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MAJOR  GENERAL  DANIEL  GOOKIN 


Edition  two  hundred  and  two 
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DANIEL  GOOKIN 

1612-1687 

ASSISTANT  AND    MAJOR    GENERAL 
OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY  COLONY 

HIS  LIFE  AND  LETTERS 

AND  SOME  ACCOUNT  OF 

HIS  ANCESTRY 


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BY 

FREDERICK  WILLIAM  GOOKIN 


CHICAGO 

PRIVATELY  PRINTED 

1912 


THE  ORK 

PUBLIC     LIBRARY 

b  o  o  < 

ASTOR,   LENOX  AND 
TILD    N    FOUNDATIONS. 

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COPYRIGHT,  1912 

FREDERICK  WILLIAM   GOOKIN 


TO    THE    MEMORY   OF 

JOHN  WINGATE  THORNTON 

DESCENDANT 
AND   ARDENT   ADMIRER   OF 

DANIEL  GOOKIN 


PREFACE 


HAT  no  extended  biography  of  Daniel  Gookin 
has  heretofore  been  published  is  without  doubt 
attributable  to  the  paucity  of  the  available  mate- 
rial. About  1840  Mr.  John  Wingate  Thornton 
began  to  gather  information  about  his  distin- 
guished ancestor,  and  in  1847  the  facts  he  had 
been  able  to  get  together  were  embodied  in  an 
article  upon  "The  Gookin  Family,"  printed  that  year  in  the 
first  volume  of  "The  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogi- 
cal Register."  For  more  than  thirty  years  Mr.  Thornton  was 
an  eager  gleaner  of  every  item  he  could  discover  concerning 
the  "grand  old  American  patriarch  and  sage."  Though,  to  his 
deep  regret,  he  was  unable  to  carry  out  his  design  of  writing 
a  life  of  Daniel  Gookin,  by  his  early  researches  he  laid  a  foun- 
dation for  which  I  am  greatly  indebted. 

It  is  now  thirty-six  years  since  Mr.  Thornton  resigned  his 
cherished  task  to  my  hands  and  I  began  the  collection  of  data 
for  the  present  work.  In  the  scant  leisure  of  a  busy  life  this 
has  been  necessarily  a  slow  process;  and  it  is  only  within 
recent  years  that  a  considerable  part  of  the  information  I 
sought  has  come  to  light.  The  more  important  facts  of  Gen- 
eral Gookin's  career  are  well  known,  but  it  has  proved  a 
difficult  matter  to  supplement  them  with  the  mass  of  lesser 
items  without  which  a  well-rounded  portrait  could  not  be 
presented.  Such  a  portrait  I  have  endeavoured  to  prepare, 
but  I  am  deeply  sensible  of  many  deficiencies.  I  have  used  the 
utmost  care  to  secure  accuracy  of  detail,  and  I  can  only  hope 
that  mistakes  are  few.  Such  as  it  is,  the  book  is  offered  as  a 
tribute  to  the  memory  of  Daniel  Gookin  on  the  three-hun- 
dredth anniversary  of  his  birth.  It  forms  a  part  of  an  extended 
history  of  the  Gookin  family,  other  portions  of  which  I  hope 
to  print  at  some  future  time. 

The  armorial  bearings  that  appear  in  the  head  bands  I 
have  drawn  for  the  several  chapters  are  those  of  a  number  of 


x  PREFACE 

Genera]  Gookin's  ancestors,  and  also  the  coats  borne  by  his 
brother,  John  Gookin,  and  his  uncle,  Sir  Vincent  Gookin. 

I  desire  here  to  make  grateful  acknowledgement  to  the 
main  people  who  havre  contributed  information  or  in  one  way 
or  another  have  helped  in  the  work  of  gathering  material.  It 
is  impracticable  to  mention  all  by  name,  but  I  wish  in  particu- 
lar to  record  my  indebtedness  to  my  wife  for  her  very  efficient 
assistance,  to  Miss  Elizabeth  Thornton  for  the  family  papers 
collected  by  her  father  and  for  her  constant  interest  in  my 
progress,  to  Mr.  Lincoln  N.  Kinnicutt  for  his  generous  encour- 
agement of  the  publication,  to  Mr.  Charles  T.  Tatman  for  the 
photograph  of  General  Gookin's  sword  now  in  his  possession, 
to  Mr.  Richard  B.  Townshend  and  Dr.  Lyon  G.  Tyler  for 
transcripts  of  documents,  and  to  Mr.  W.  P.  W.  Phillimore  and 
Mr.  J.  Henry  Lea  for  aid  in  my  researches  in  England. 


Frederick  William  Gookin. 


13  West  Walton  Place,  Chicago, 
November  23,  191 2. 


CONTENTS 


PART    I.     THE   ANCESTORS   OF   DANIEL   GOOKIN 

CHAPTER  I 

Fourth  in  descent  from  Arnold  Gookin — The  ancient  Kentish  families  of  Cokyn 
and  Colkin — Early  variations  in  the  spelling  of  Gookin — Thomas  Gookin  of 
Bekesbourne  —  The  Durrant  family  —  Children  of  Thomas  Gookin  and  Amy 
Durrant  —  The  families  of  Denne,  Tupton,  and  Hever  —  John  Gookin  of  Rip- 
ple—  Marriage  and  removal  to  Appleton  —  Removal  to  Little  Betteshanger  — 
Subscribes  to  Armada  defense  fund  —  Acquisition  of  Manor  of  Ripple 
Court  —  Children  of  John  Gookin  and  Catherine  Denne — Grant  of  Armorial 
bearings 3 

CHAPTER  II 

The  sons  of  John  Gookin —  Friendship  between  his  sons  Thomas  and  John  —  The 
widow  of  Thomas  alienates  her  husband's  family — The  education  of  gentle- 
men's sons  —  Daniel  Gookin's  marriage  to  Mary  Byrd — Rev.  Richard  Byrd  — 
His  education  and  early  benefices  —  Tutor  to  Lord  Burghley's  grandson  —  In 
Paris  with  his  charge  —  Young  Cecil  turns  Papist — Letter  to  Burghley  com- 
plaining of  cruel  treatment  by  English  Ambassador  —  Archdeacon  of  Cleveland 

—  Canon  of  Canterbury  Cathedral  —  Byrd's  father-in-law  Bishop  Meye — Mar- 
riage to  Amy  Vowell  —  Education — Master  of  St.  Catherine's  Hall,  Cambridge 

—  Archdeacon  East  Riding  of  Yorkshire — Friendship  of  Earl  of  Shrewsbury 

—  Appointed  Bishop  of  Carlisle  —  Censured  by  the  Puritans — Impoverished 
by  relieving  distress  of  poor  people  —  Dies  of  plague  —  The  families  of  Vowell, 
Hymerford,  Copleston,  and  Fauntleroy 15 

PART    II.    DANIEL   GOOKIN    OF   CARRIGALINE 

CHAPTER  III 

Early  life  —  His  brother  Vincent  settles  in  Ireland  —  Munster  at  beginning  of  sev- 
enteenth century  —  Daniel  removes  to  Coolmain,  county  Cork  —  Death  of  his 
mother — Ripple  Court  turned  over  to  his  brother  Thomas  —  John  Gookin 
joins  his  son  Daniel  in  Ireland  —  Daniel  buys  Manor  of  Carrigaline  from 
Thomas  Petley  —  Rival  claim  of  Earl  of  Cork  —  Daniel  sells  Carrigaline  to 
Cork  and  takes  lease  for  twenty-two  years  —  Shareholder  in  Virginia  Company 

—  The  Longford  plantation  —  Daniel  sells  to  Francis  Edgeworth  .       29 

CHAPTER  IV 

Projects  plantation  in  Virginia  —  Contract  with  Virginia  Company  for  transport  of 
cattle  —  Sails  for  Virginia  in  "The  Flyinge  Harte" — Arrival  at  Newport  News 

—  Rejoicing  by  Company  in  London  at  good  news  —  The  Indian  Massacre  of 
March,  1622  —  Daniel  alone  refuses  order  of  concentration  —  Governor  Wyatt 
his  guest  —  Sails  for  England  in  the  "Sea  Flower" — Arrives  in  London  bring- 
ing news  of  massacre  —  Obtains  patent  to  Newport  News  plantation  —  Names 
it  Marie's  Mount  —  Takes  share  in  New  England  Company  —  Dispatches  the 
Providence  to  Virginia — An  unprofitable  venture  —  Muster  of  his  Servants  at 
Marie's  Mount 38 


xii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER    V 

Attends  meetings  of  Virginia  Company  —  Death  of  his  father  — Fails  to  secure  pat- 
ent —  Death  of  brother  Thomas  Gcokin  —  Witness  in  suit  of  Thomas  Milton 
\  line  Gookin —  Wife  Marv  obtains  loan  from  Lord  Cork  —  Lease  of  Carriga- 
line  sold  t<>  Lord  Cork— Vincent  Gookin  knighted  at  Dublin  —  Daniel  secures 
patent  to  Saint  Brendan's  Isle  —  Dies  in  City  of  Cork — Inventory  of  his  effects 
—  His  children  —  Death  of  his  mother  at  Bitton,  Gloucestershire —  His  son  John 
in  Virginia — Marries  Sarah  Offley,  widow  of  Captain  Thorowgood  —  Dies  at 
Lynn  Haven  — Widow  marries  Colonel  Francis  Yardley         ....       49 


PART   III.     DANIEL   GOOKIN    OF   CAMBRIDGE 

CHAPTER  VI 

Boyhood  at  Carrigaline  —  Early  visit  to  Virginia  —  Granted  2500  acres  land  on 
James  River  —  Sale  of  Marie's  Mount  plantation  —  Marriage  to  Mary  Dolling 
—  Military  Service — Return  to  Virginia  —  Captain  of  Upper  Norfolk  trained 
band — Granted  1400  acres  on  Rappahannock  River  —  Signs  Nansemond  peti- 
tion inviting  Puritan  ministers  from  New  England  —  Tompson,  Knowles,  and 
James  sail  for  Virginia — Cool  reception  by  Governor  Berkeley  —  Statute  of 
conformity  passed  —  Cotton  Mather  upon  Tompson's  mission  —  Daniel  decides 
to  leave  Virginia  —  Acquires  land  in  Maryland  —  Sails  for  Boston  .       61 

CHAPTER  VII 

Arrival  at  Boston  —  Admitted  to  First  Church  —  Residence  in  Roxbury  —  Friend- 
ship with  Rev.  John  Eliot  formed  —  Daniel's  other  neighbors  and  associates  — 
Trade  with  Maryland  and  Virginia 72 

CHAPTER   VIII 

Buys  house  in  Cambridge  —  Granted  farm  at  Shawshine  —  Captain  of  Cambridge 
trained  band  — Distinguished  residents  of  Cambridge  —  Chosen  Deputy  to  the 
General  Court  —  Visit  to  England  in  1650 — Relatives  then  living  —  Again 
elected  Deputy  —  Chosen  Speaker  —  Elected  an  Assistant,  or  one  of  the  Council 
of  Magistrates  —  Assists  Eliot  in  the  work  of  Christianizing  the  Indians   .       78 

CHAPTER  IX 

Sails  for  England  in  autumn  of  1654  —  Changed  conditions  since  last  visit  —  Crom- 
well intent  upon  project  for  colonization  of  Jamaica  —  Daniel  sent  for  and  com- 
missioned to  urge  New  England  colonists  to  remove  thither — Instructions  given 
him  by  the  Council  of  State 85 

CHAPTER  X 

Enters  upon  task  reluctantly  —  Fate  of  Major  Sedgwick's  regiment  —  Daniel  arrives 
at  Boston  on  the  Fraternity  —  Letters  to  Secretary  Thurloe  —  Journey  to  Con- 
necticut and  New  Haven  colonies  —  Discouraging  news  from  Jamaica  makes 
his  effort  futile  —  Writes  Secretary  Thurloe  his  work  at  an  end  —  Requests  per- 
mission to  return  to  England  —  Report  of  heavy  mortality  among  the  Nevis 
planters  stops  further  efforts 92 


CONTENTS  xiii 

CHAPTER   XI 

Again  sails  for  England,  November,  1657  —  A  narrow  escape  from  losing  his  life  — 
The  state  of  England  —  Cromwell's  death  —  Appointed  Collector  of  Customs  at 
Dunkirk  —  Appointed  Deputy  Treasurer  at  War  —  The  Restoration  —  Daniel 
sails  for  home  —  Whalley  and  Goffe  his  fellow  passengers  —  Arrival  at  Boston  — 
The  regicides  at  Cambridge — The  controversy  with  the  King's  Commis- 
sioners—  Daniel  refuses  to  answer  before  them 104 

CHAPTER   XII 

Granted  500  acres  in  the  Pequot  country  —  Rival  claimants  from  Rhode  Island  — 
Daniel  petitions  the  Commissioners  —  Sells  the  land  to  Simon  Lynde  —  Granted 
another  farm  near  Concord — The  extent  of  his  public  service  and  other  employ- 
ments—  Refuses  appointment  as  licenser  of  the  press  —  Takes  part  in  public 
debate  with  the  Anabaptists in 

CHAPTER   XIII 

Opens  negotiations  for  purchase  of  colony  of  Maine  —  Letter  to  Ferdinando  Gorges  — 
Interference  by  the  Royal  Commissioners  —  Letter  to  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle  — 
Final  report  of  the  purchase  of  the  Gorges  claim 117 

CHAPTER  XIV 

Daniel's  work  among  the  Indians  —  His  estimate  of  Eliot's  efforts  to  Christianize 
them  —  Daniel  his  constant  associate  and  coadjutor — Appointed  Superintendent 
of  the  Praying  Indians  —  The  nature  of  his  work  in  this  office — His  compensa- 
tion—  Eliot  writes  the  Commissioners  of  the  Corporation  for  Propagating  the 
Gospel  among  the  Indians  in  New  England  —  Daniel's  account  of  a  journey 
to  the  Nipmuck  country  in  company  with  Eliot — Correspondence  with  Gover- 
nor Prince 126 

CHAPTER  XV 

The  outbreak  of  King  Philip's  War — Unheeded  warning  given  by  Daniel  Gookin 

—  He  urges  defensive  measures  —  Advises  utilizingthe  Christian  Indian  —  Panic- 
stricken  frenzy  of  the  colonists  —  Their  rage  against  Gookin  —  His  firm  stand  — 
A  Boston  Merchant's  letter  to  London 141 

CHAPTER  XVI 

Calumnies  echoed  from  other  colonies  —  The  Christian  Indians  removed  to  Deer 
Island  —  A  winter  visit  to  Concord  —  The  fidelity  of  the  Indians  —  Gookin  and 
Danforth  warned  —  The  case  of  Richard  Scott  —  The  Christian  Indians  at  last 
employed  against  the  enemy  —  Daniel  effects  release  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson  from 
captivity  —  Eliot,  Gookin,  and  Danforth  run  down  in  Boston  harbor  .       .      149 

CHAPTER   XVII 

The  election  in  1676 — Daniel  not  returned  as  an  Assistant  —  General  Court  appoints 
him  Major  of  the  Middlesex  Regiment  —  His  activity  in  raising  troops  for  serv- 
ice in  the  field  —  The  Indians  removed  from  Deer  Island  —  Eliot  and  Gookin 
resume  their  work  among  them  —  An  attempt  to  run  down  Thomas  Danforth 

—  Revulsion  of  feeling  —  Daniel  again  chosen  Assistant         ....     156 


xiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER    XVIII 

Daniel  writes  Historical  Account  of  the  Doings  and  Sufferings  of  the  Christian 
Indians  —  His  Historical  Collections  of  the  Indians  in  New  England — His 
History  of  New  England  —  His  equipment  for  this  undertaking  —  The  manu- 
script burned  —  A  third  tract 161 

CHAPTER    XIX 

The  "Father  of  Worcester" — Preliminaries  of  Quinsigamond  settlement  —  Daniel 
at  head  of  Committee  —  Visit  to  the  site  —  Work  interrupted  by  Indian  war  — 
Renewed  in  1683 — Town  named  Worcester — Conjectured  reasons  for  the 
name  —  Close  relation  between  Cromwell  and  several  members  of  the  Gookin 
family  —  Daniel's  constant  interest  in  the  settlement 166 

CHAPTER  XX 

Controversy  over  charter  privileges  —  Divergent  views  in  the  colony  —  Daniel  opposes 
sending  agents  to  England  —  Opposes  submission  to  the  acts  of  trade — Makes 
written  protest — Radical  party  in  the  ascendant  —  Daniel  hailed  as  people's 
champion  —  Appointed  Major  General  of  the  colony  —  Incurs  Randolph's 
enmity  —  The  abrogation  of  the  charter 171 

CHAPTER  XXI 

Death  of  Mrs.  Gookin  —  Children  of  Daniel  Gookin  and  Mary  Dolling — Marriage 
to  Mrs.  Hannah  Savage — Zeal  in  Indian  work  unabated  —  Illegal  sale  of  liquor 
to  Indians — General  Gookin's  last  illness  and  death  —  Eliot  solicits  gift  for  his 
widow  from  Robert  Boyle  —  Daniel's  will  —  Declaration  of  his  religious  faith 
—  His  homestead  in  Cambridge  —  Inventory  of  estate  —  Death  of  Mrs.  Hannah 
Gookin 179 

CHAPTER  XXII 

Esteem  of  contemporaries  —  Nobility  of  character — Literary  style  —  Originates  doc- 
trine "No  taxation  without  representation" — George  Bishop's  railing  —  Daniel 
a  just  judge  —  The  case  of  Silvanus  Warro  —  Controversy  with  Caleb  Grant  — 
Justice  Sewall's  dream  of  Daniel  Gookin 192 


Index 


199 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

Armorial  bearings  of  Major  General  Daniel  Gookin :  arms  of  Gookin 
quartering  Durrant Frontispiece 

Arms  of  Gookin  :  Gules,  a  chevron  ermine,  between  three  cocks,  or. 

Headband  to  Chapter  I 3 

St.  Augustine's  Church,  Northbourne,  Kent,  and  Interior  of  the  old 

church,  Ripple,  Kent io 

Armorial  bearings  granted  John  Gookin,  Esquire,  of  Ripple  Court, 

in  1609 12 

Seal  of  Major  General  Daniel  Gookin 14 

Arms    of  Durrant  of  Littlebourne,*  Kent :    sable,  a  cross-crosslet, 

ermine.     Headband  to  Chapter  II 15 

Hatchment  used  at  the  funeral  of  Thomas  Gookin,  Esquire,  of  Rip- 
ple Court,  in  January  1625  :  arms  of  Gookin  quartering  Durrant 
and  impaling  Thurston;  argent,  on  a  bend,  gules,  three  mullets, 
or,  in  chief  a  bear  (?),  gules 16 

Arms  of  Denne  of  Denne  Hill,  Kent:  azure,  three  leopard's  heads 

couped  at  the  neck,  or.      Headband  to  Chapter  III  29 

Dovecote  at  Ripple  Court  built  by  General  Gookin's  cousin,  John 

Gookin,  Esquire,  in  1647 30 

Arms  of  Byrd  of  Saffron  Walden,  Essex:  quarterly,  argent  and 
sable,  in  the  chief  dexter  quarter  an  eagle,  sable.  Headband  to 
Chapter  IV 38 

Arms  of  Meye  as  borne  by  Bishop  John  Meye:  sable,  a  chevron, 
or,  between  three  cross-crosslets  fitchee,  argent;  on  a  chief,  or, 
three  roses.     Headband  to  Chapter  V 49 

Arms  of  Daniel  Gookin  of  Carrigaline,  Cork:  arms  of  Gookin  quar- 
tering Durrant,  and  impaling  Byrd.    Headband  to  Chapter  VI  .       61 

Arms  of  Canon    Richard   Byrd:    arms  of   Byrd   impaling   Meye. 

Headband  to  Chapter  VII 72 

Arms  of  Tufton  of  Northiam,  Sussex :  argent,  on  a  pale,  sable,  an 

eagle,  argent.     Headband  to  Chapter  VIII 78 

Arms  of  Hever  of  Cranbrook,  Kent:  gules,  a  cross,  argent,  a  label 

of  five,  azure.     Headband  to  Chapter  IX 85 

Arms  of  Nicholas  Tufton,  Esquire,  of  Northiam,  Sussex:  arms  of 
Tufton  with  arms  of  Hever  on  an  inescutcheon.  Headband 
to  Chapter  X 92 

XV 


xvi  ILLUSTRATIONS 

inula  of  letter  from  Daniel  Gookin  to  Secretary  Thurloe  .       .       96 
Jamaica  colonization  handbill  circulated  by  Daniel  Gookin      .       .       98 
Arms  <>f  Apuldrefield  of  Ottreply   in   Challock,  Kent:    quarterly, 
1st  and  4th,  sable,  a  cross  voided,  or,  2d  and  3d,  ermine,  a  bend, 
\aire.  or  and  gules.      Headband  to  Chapter  XI  .        .      104 

Anns  of  Fauntleroy  of  Fauntleroy'a  Marsh,  Dorset :  gules,  three 
infant's  beads  couped  at  the  shoulders,  proper,  crined  or.  Head- 
band to  Chapter  X 1  I Ill 

Anns  of  Dryland  of  Kent  :  gules,  guttee  d'eau,  a  fess  wavy,  argent. 

Headband  to  Chapter  XIII •  117 

Arms  of  Hymerford  of  East  Coker,  Somerset:   argent,  a  chevron 

between  three  drakes,  sable.     Headband  to  Chapter  XIV  .       .      126 

Anns  of  Copleston  of  Copleston,  Devon  :  argent,  a  chevron  engrailed, 
gules,  between  three  leopard's  faces,  azure.  Headband  to  Chap- 
ter XV H1 

Arms  of  William  Hymerford  of  East  Coker:  arms  of  Hymerford  with 

arms  of  Copleston  on  an  inescutcheon.  Headband  to  Chapter  XVI      149 

Placard  threatening  the  lives  of  Daniel  Gookin  and  Thomas  Danforth      154 

Arms  of  Vowell  of  Wells,  Somerset:  gules,  three  escutcheons, 
argent,  each  charged  with  a  cinquefoil,  azure.  Headband  to 
Chapter  XVII .        .        .        .      156 

Arms  of  William  Vowell  of  Creake  Abbey,  Norfolk:  arms  of 
Vowell,  with  arms  of  Hymerford  quartering  Copleston  on  an  ines- 
cutcheon.    Headband  to  Chapter  XVIII 161 

Arms  of  Ashhurst  of  Ashhurst,  Kent:  gules,  across  engrailed,  or,  in  the 

chief  dexter  quarter  a  fleur  de  lys,  or.    Headband  to  Chapter  XIX      166 

Gem-ral  Gookin's  rapier,  and  cane  carried  by  his  grandson,  Daniel 

Gookin  of  Worcester,  Massachusetts.       ......      168 

Arms  of  General  Gookin's  grandfather,  John  Gookin,  Esquire,  of 
Ripple  Court:  arms  of  Gookin  quartering  DurrantanA  impaling 
Denne,     Headband  to  Chapter  XX 171 

Arms  of  John  (  rookin  of  Lynn  Haven,  Virginia  :  arms  of  Gookin  quar- 
tering Durrani  and  impaling  Offley,  argent,  on  a  cross  pattee  flory, 
azure,  between  four  Cornish  choughs,  a  lion  passant  guardant, 
or.     Headband  to  Chapter  XXI 179 

b  of  Mi nor  (  ieneral  Daniel  Gookin  at  Cambridge,  Mass.   .        .      186 

Am  ncenl  (  rookin,  Knight, of  Courtmacsherry,  Cork:  arms 

of  Gookin  impaling  arms  of  Crook t;  a  fess  engrailed  between  three 

ea,  tinctures  not  known.     Headband  to  Chapter  XXII  .       .     192 
Daniel  Gookin  to  Captain  Wade 196 


PART  I 
THE  ANCESTORS  OF  DANIEL  GOOKIN 


CHAPTER  I 


ANIEL  GOOKIN,  the  subject  of  this  memoir, 
was  the  third  son  of  Daniel  Gookin  of  Carriga- 
line,  Ireland,  and  the  fourth  in  descent  from 
Arnold  Gookin,  who,  in  the  reign  of  King  Henry 
VIII,  lived  in  Ickham,  a  parish  in  the  county  of 
Kent,  lying  about  five  miles  to  the  east  and  a 
little  to  the  north  of  the  city  of  Canterbury. 
Nothing  is  certainly  known  concerning  Arnold  Gookin  save 
his  place  of  residence,  and,  in  a  general  way,  the  period  in 
which  he  lived.  In  the  pedigree  signed  by  his  great  grand- 
son Thomas  Gookin,  which  appears  in  the  Visitation  of  Kent 
in  1619,  he  is  called  "Arnoldus  Gokin  de  com.  Cantii."  And 
in  the  record  preserved  at  the  College  of  Arms  of  the  bear- 
ings granted  to  his  grandson  John  Gookin  of  Ripple  Court 
in  1609  by  Sir  William  Segar,  Garter  King  of  Arms,  he  is 
described  as  "Arnoldus  Cokeine  alias  Gookeine  of  Ickham 
in  Kent." 

Hasted,  in  his  "History  of  Kent,"  says  that  Cokyn's  Hos- 
pital in  Canterbury  was  founded  in  1199  by  William  Cokyn, 
"whose  name  in  his  posterity  long  survived  him  in  this  city."1 
The  same  authority  also  states  that  an  aldermanry  of  Canter- 
bury including  the  presidency  of  a  ward-mote,  or  ward-court, 
held  every  three  weeks,  was  transmitted  by  inheritance  in 
fee,  through  several  generations  of  Cokyns.2     In  the  reign  of 

J2nd  Edition  Canterbury,  1801,  xii,  115-116.   In  Ireland's  Kent,  i,  133,  the  name 
is  given  as  John  Cokyn. 
2Hasted's  Kent,  xi,  78. 


4  THE  COLKINS  OF  KENT 

King  Edward  III  one  Edmund  Cokyn  alias  Cockayne  was 
returned,  as  a  citizen  of  Canterbury,  Member  of  Parliament  at 
Westminster  in  1343  and  again  in  1345  and  1353.1  Another 
citizen  of  Canterbury  named  John  Colkin  built  a  seat  known 
as  "Colkins"  at  Boughton-under-Blean  and  died  possessed  of 
it  in  the  tenth  year  of  Edward  III  (1340):  several  of  his  pos- 
terity were  buried  in  the  church  at  Boughton  and  their  arms, 
a  griffin  segreant,  figured  in  brass  upon  their  tombstones,  all 
of  which  had  been  "long  since  destroyed"  when  Hasted  wrote 
his  book  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  save  only  one 
inscribed  "Orate  pro  anima  Johannis  Colkin,  obiit  18  April, 
1405. "2  Under  Edward  I  (1272-1307)  the  manor  of  Fred- 
ville  or  Froidville  at  Nonington,  a  few  miles  northwest  of 
Dover,  was  owned  by  John  Colkin,  and  it  remained  in  his 
line  until  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Richard  II  (circa  1399)3. 
Hasted  says  this  family  bore  a  different  coat  of  arms  from  the 
Boughton  family  but  he  does  not  state  what  their  bearings 
were. 

Although  nothing  has  yet  been  discovered  that  throws  any 
light  upon  Arnold  Gookin's  parentage,  the  surmise  that  he 
was  the  descendant  of  one  or  the  other  of  these  worthies  is 
in  accord  with  all  of  the  circumstances  with  which  we  are 
acquainted  and  appears  to  be  well  within  the  limits  of  proba- 
bility. In  the  sixteenth  century  the  spelling  of  proper  names 
was  so  erratic  that  inferences  drawn  therefrom  should  be 
made  with  much  caution.  Nevertheless  it  is  worth  noting  that 
in  the  will  of  Jane  Durrant,4  dated  November  12,  1548,  the 
earliest  known  document  in  which  a  member  of  the  Gookin 
family  is  named,  Arnold's  son  is  described  as  "Thos.  Golkyn" 
and  as  "Thos.  Golkyne."  In  the  will  of  his  brother-in-law 
John  Durrant,  made  in  1561,  Thomas  is  called  "Thomas  Gol- 
kyn" and  his  wife  "Amy  Golkin."  Five  years  later  the  name 
appears  upon  the  Bekesbourne  Parish  Register  as  "Goolkyn" 
and  "Goolken";    while  in   1587  the  Rector  of  Northbourne 

1  Hasted's  Kent,  xi,  48. 

'Hasted's  Kent,  vii,  II,  14-15;  Weaver's  Ancient  Funeral  Monuments,  163 1, 
p.  274. 

3  Ireland's  Kent,  i,  595  ;  Hasted,  ix,  257. 
*  See  infra  p.  6. 


THOMAS  GOOKIN  OF  BEKESBOURNE  5 

thought  "'Gowkin"  the  proper  form.  Upon  the  Parish  Reg- 
ister of  Ripple  the  name  occurs  eight  times  between  1571  and 
1582,  and  in  each  instance  it  is  spelled  "Gookyn."  In  Thomas 
Gookin's  will  made  in  1595  the  spelling  "Gookin"  appears 
for  the  first  time  so  far  as  our  present  knowledge  extends. 
Thomas  signed  the  will  with  a  cross,  which  may  have  been 
because  he  had  not  learned  to  write,  but  was,  perhaps,  because 
of  the  infirmity  of  old  age.  His  grandson  Thomas  Gookin 
wrote  the  name  Gokin.  This  is  the  only  known  variation  from 
the  normal  spelling  that  has  ever  been  made  by  a  member 
of  the  family;  to  others,  however,  the  name  has  always  pre- 
sented strange  difficulty  from  the  sixteenth  century  down  to 
the  present  day.1 

As  two  of  Arnold  Gookin's  grandchildren  were  married  in 
1566,  the  date  of  his  birth  must  have  been  some  time  in  the 
reign  of  King  Henry  VII.  His  only  child  of  whom  there  is 
record  was  his  son  Thomas,  born  at  least  as  early  as  1518, 
and  probably  several  years  before  that.  Thomas  Gookin 
lived  in  Bekesbourne,  which  lies  three  miles  from  Canterbury 
in  an  easterly  direction,  the  parishes  of  Littlebourne  and  Ick- 
ham  adjoining  it  to  the  north  and  northeast.  His  wife,  whom 
he  married  about  1538,  though  perhaps  some  years  earlier, 
was  Amy  Durrant.  She  was  the  daughter  of  John  Durrant 
of  Littlebourne,  who,  as  appears  from  the  churchwarden's 
accounts  for  that  parish,  was  one  of  the  tenants  of  the  Court 
Lodge  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  He  bore  the  arms: 
Sable,  a  cross-crosslet  ermine.  Dying  before  1548  he  left, 
besides  his  daughter  Amy,  an  only  surviving  son,  John  Dur- 
rant, who  was  the  owner  of  the  ancient  seat  of  Howlets  or 
Owlets  in  the  extreme  northeastern  angle  of  Bekesbourne 
close  to  the  Ickham  line  in  a  vale  facing  the  downs  and  not 
far  from  Littlebourne.  The  younger  John  Durrant  was  a 
rich  man.  His  will,  which  was  dated  January  9,  1 560/1,  and 
proved  in  the  Archdeaconry  Court  of  Canterbury  June  5, 
^^S^'  was  a  voluminous  affair,  covering  no  less  than  twenty 

^he  author  has  noted  a  long  list  of  variant  spellings.  Some  of  the  most  aston- 
ishing are  quite  recent;  and  as  he  writes  these  words  a  letter  comes  to  him  addressed 
to  Mr.  Evokin. 


6  THE  DURRANT  FAMILY 

pages.     From  it  and  the  will  of  his  mother,  and  the  Little- 
bourne  parish  records,  we  get  the  following  pedigree: 


John  Durrant            = 

=   Johane  .... 

of  Littlebourne, 

Will  Nov.  12,  1548, 

d.  before  1548. 

pr.  Jan.  19,  1548/9. 

Bur.  at  Littlebourne. 

"Her  son  Richard 

Elgar,  executor." 

1 

John  Durrant  =  Ellys  Denne, 

.  .  .  .Durrant=  ....            Amy 

of  "Owletts,"       sister  of 

second  son, 

Durrant 

obit  s.  p.,  buried     M  ichael 

d.  before  1 548. 

= 

at  Littlebourne,     Denne. 

Thomas 

April  16,  1563. 

Golkin. 

Mildred  Durrant  =  1 

William  Swinford.       Elizabeth  Durrant, 

unm.  1561. 

A  large  portion  of  the  estate  of  John  Durrant  the  younger 
was  devised  to  his  sister  Amy,  and  as  he  died  without  issue 
she  inherited  the  Durrant  arms,  which  thus  became  a  part  of 
the  Gookin  coat. 

Amy  Gookin  died  in  February,  1 580/1,  and  was  buried  on 
the  15th  of  that  month  in  the  churchyard  at  Bekesbourne.1 
Two  years  later  Thomas  Gookin  married  again,  taking  as  his 
second  wife  Sybbell  Blacke  of  Boughton-Aluph,  widow.  The 
license  for  this  marriage  was  issued  June  22,  1583.2  Fifteen 
years  later  Sybbell  passed  away.  She  was  buried  at  Bekes- 
bourne August  29,  1598.  Thomas,  who  had  reached  a  ripe  old 
age,  survived  her  less  than  a  year,  and  was  buried  at  Bekes- 
bourne June  14, 1599.  There  were  no  children  by  the  second 
marriage,  but  by  Amy  Durrant  Thomas  had  John  Gookin, 
his  only  son3  and  heir,  and  five  daughters,  namely:  Amy  who 
married  Robert  Syme  and  had,  before  1560,  a  daughter  Alice; 
Thomasin,  who  married  Robert  Cowper  or  Cooper  before 
1560;  Elizabeth,  who  married  Thomas  Long,  an  alderman  of 

'Bekesbourne  Parish  Register.  ' 

2Cantab.  Mar.  Lie.  istSer.  C.  181. 

•So  described  in  his  will,  pr.  July  7,  1599,  Archdeaconry  Court,  Canterbury. 


A  DOUBLE  WEDDING  7 

Canterbury;  Jhoane, who  married  John  Sanders;  and  Cicely, 
who  was  baptized  at  Ickham  January  8,  1558/9,  and  was  buried 
there  later  in  the  same  month.  Amy,  Thomasin,  and  Eliza- 
beth were  all  older  than  John.  Amy  was  the  oldest  and  was 
probably  born  about  1540.  John,  who  was  presumably  of  legal 
age  at  the  time  of  his  marriage,  must  have  come  into  the  world 
as  early  as  1 545. 

On  October  28  in  the  year  1566,  the  eighth  of  the  reign  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  a  double  wedding  ceremony  was  performed 
in  the  little  church  at  Bekesbourne,  John  Gookin  taking  as 
his  wife  Catherine  Denne,1  while  his  sister  Jhoane  Gookin  was 
married  to  John  Sanders.  Catherine  Denne  was  the  second 
daughter  of  William  Denne  of  Kingston,  Kent,  Esquire,  by 
his  wife  Agnes,  daughter  of  Nicholas  Tufton  of  Northiam 
Place  in  Sussex,  Esquire,  ancestor  of  the  Earls  of  Thanet. 
The  Denne  family  is  one  of  the  oldest  of  the  Kentish  gentry, 
claiming  descent  from  Robert  de  Den,  pincerna,  butler,  or 
sewer,  to  King  Edward  the  Confessor.  The  following  ped- 
igree in  which  that  descent  is  shown  is  taken  from  Berry's 
Kent  Genealogies.2 


Robert  de  Den  or  De  Dene,  pincerna, : 
butler  or  sewer  to  Edward  the  Con- 
fessor. Held  large  estates  in  Sussex, 
Kent,  and  Normandy.  Vide  Dorset 
MSS.,  Collin's  Peerage,  and  Harris' 
"  Kent." 


Robert  de  Dene  (See  Dorset   MSS.)  = 


1  There  is  some  reason  to  think  that  this  was  not  the  first  alliance  between  the 
Gookin  and  the  Denne  families.  Thomas  Gookin  of  Bekesbourne  mentioned  in 
his  will,  "Amy  Dens  and  Elyzabethe  Dens  my  kenswomen."  This  points  to  a  con- 
nection prior  to  the  testator's  time  and  suggests  the  possibility  that  Arnold  Gookin's 
wife  or  his  mother  may  have  been  a  Denne,  or  that  he  may  have  had  a  sister  who 
married  into  that  family. 

2  Pages  269-270.  Berry  states  that  the  pedigree  is  registered  at  the  College  of 
Arms  down  to  the  visitation  of  1619.  No  attempt  at  verification  has  been  made  by 
the  author  of  this  memoir.  See,  however,  Hasted  ix,  344-46.  Notes  and  Queries 
»'.  473- 


s 


DENNE  PEDIGREE 


Ralph  de  Dene,  20,  William  the  Con-= de  Gatton 

queror,  Lord  of  Buckhurst  in  Sussex. 
See  Cotton  MSS.  and  Dugdale's  Mon- 

ast.  An<d. 


Robert  de  Dene.    Held  estates  in  Kent.  =  Sybylla 
Endowed   Bayham  Abbey.     See  Cot- 
ton MSS. 


William  de  Denne,  of  Denne,  parish  = 
of  Kingston,  co.  Kent.      Lived  in  time 
of  King  John. 


Sir  Alured  Denne  of  Denne,  Knt.,  Sen-' 
eschal  of  the  Priory  of  Christ  Church, 
Canterbury,  and  Escheator  of  County 
of  Kent,  19  Henry  III  (1234).  Illus- 
trious for  his  learning.  Ap.  by  Henry 
III  with  Sir  Henry  de  Bath  to  form 
the  important  laws  of  Romney  Marsh. 
He  at  this  early  period  sealed  with 
three  leopard's  heads. 


Walter  Denne  of  Denne,  s.  and  heir: 
as  appears  bv  charter  dated  41  Henry 
III  (1256). 


Walter  Denne  of  Denne.     Enfeoffed : 
lands  in  Denne,  9  Edward  I  (1280). 


John  Denne  of  Denne,  2  Edward  II 
(1308). 


Sir  William  Denne  of  Denne,  Knt.,  s. 
and  heir,  2  Edward  III  (1328).  M.  P. 
for  Canterbury  19  Edw.  II  and  for 
Kent  14  Edw.  III. 


DENNE  PEDIGREE  9 

Richard  Denne  of  Denne,  son  and  heir=  Agnes  Apuldrefield  daughter  of 

Apuldrefield  of 

Challock,  co.  Kent 


Thomas  Denne  of  Denne,  son  and  heir  — Isabel  de  Earde,  dau.  of  Robert 

I  de  Earde 

I 

John  Denne  of  Denne,  son  and  heir  —Alice  Ardearne,  dau.  of  Richard 

I  Ardearne. 


Michael  Denne  of  Denne,  eldest  son.  =  Christian  Combe,  dau.  and  heir- 

I  ess  of Combe. 


Thomas  Denne  of  Denne,  alias  Denne  =  Alice  Eshehurst  or  Ashhurst. 
Hill,  son  and  heir. 

William  Denne  of  Kingston,  co.  Kent,  =  Agnes  Tufton,  dau.  of  Nicholas 
second  son.  D.  1572.  Will  pr.  at  Tufton1  of  Northiam  Place,  Sus- 
Doctor's  Commons.  sex.     She  d.  Dec.  30,  1539. 


1.  Vincent  Denne  LL.D.,  son  and  heir.     D.  1591.     Married  Jane,  dau. 

of  ...   .   Kittall  of  London,  and  had  five  sons. 

2.  Thomas  Denne  of  Addisham,  Kent,  2d  son,  barrister-at-la\v.     Mar- 

ried Jane,  dau.  of  John  Swift,  and  had  five  sons  and  six  daughters. 

3.  Mary  Denne,  eldest  daughter.     D.  Feb.  28.  1 599/1 600,  aged  72.    She 

married   1st,  John  Coppin  of  Deal,  and  2d,  about  1589,  Thomas 
Boys  of  Eythorne  and  Barfriston,  Kent. 

4.  Catherine  Denne,  2d  daughter,  married  October  28,  1 566,  to  John 

Gookin. 

William  Denne  of  Kingston  bore  the  ancient  family  coat: 
Azure,  three  leopard's  heads  couped  at  the  neck,  or. 

'In  "Memorials  of  the  Family  of  Tufton,  Earls  of  Thanet"  a  shadowy  pedigree 
is  given,  said  to  be  based  upon  ancient  deeds  in  the  possession  of  the  Earl  of  Thanet, 
carrying  the  line  back  to  one  Elphege  de  Toketon,  Lord  of  the  Manor  of  Sileham  and 
Toketon,at  Rainham,  Kent,  whose  grandson,  Sir  William  de  Toketon,  was  knighted 
and  living  about  the  latter  end  of  the  reign  of  Henry  III.  The  author  of  the  book, 
which  was  published  at  Gravesend  in  1800,  did  not  regard  the  evidence  as  conclusive. 
Nicholas  Tufton  died  in  1538.  His  wife  was  Margaret  Hever,  daughter  and  heiress 
of  John  Hever  of  Cranbrooke,  co.  Kent,  Esquire,  a  descendant  of  the  Hevers  of 
Hever  Castle,  co.  Kent. 


io  JOHN  GOOKIN  AT  APPLETON 

It  is  probable  that  Catherine  Denne  brought  her  husband 
a  considerable  addition  to  his  fortune.  The  young  couple 
remained  in  Bekesbourne  for  a  little  more  than  a  year  after 
their  marriage  and  there  their  eldest  daughter  was  baptized 
on  August  28,  1567.  Not  long  after  this  event  they  removed 
to  Appleton,  a  short  distance  South  of  Walmer,  John  having 
purchased  the  lands  there  now  known  as  Appleton  Farms, 
which,  prior  to  the  dissolution,  had  been  owned  by  the  Mon- 
astery of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin  and  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr,  in 
the  adjoining  parish  of  East  Langdon.  At  Appleton  John 
and  Catherine  made  their  home  for  fifteen  years  or  more, 
during  which  their  family  and  their  fortune  steadily  increased. 
Though  their  lands  were  in  an  outlying  portion  of  the  parish 
of  Waldershare  their  church  affiliation  was  with  the  parish 
of  Ripple,  where  six  of  their  children  were  baptized.  Their 
nearest  neighbors  were  the  families  of  Thomas  Marsh  and 
his  brother  John  Marsh,  who  lived  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
away,  near  the  little  hamlet  of  Marton,1  and  Simon  Edolph, 
whose  seat,  St.  Radigund's  Abbey,  was  only  about  a  mile  to 
the  east  on  a  tall  hill.  In  after  years  all  three  of  these  families 
were  allied  by  marriage  with  that  of  John  Gookin.  Mary,  his 
third  daughter,  became,  in  1586,  the  wife  of  Richard  Marsh, 
son  of  Thomas;  in  1610  her  youngest  sister  was  married  to 
John  Marsh's  grandson  Thomas  Marsh;  and  about  a  quar- 
ter of  a  century  later  still  John  Gookin's  grandson  Thomas 
Gookin  married  Jane  Edolph,  granddaughter  of  Simon. 

In  February,  1586,  John  Gookin  bought  from  the  heirs  of 
Thomas  Stoughton,  gentleman,  of  Ash,2  the  estate  called  Lit- 
tle Betteshanger  in  the  western  part  of  the  parish  of  North- 
bourne  and  removed  thither  with  his  family.  The  distance 
from  Appleton  was  not  more  than  five  or  six  miles,  but  it 
involved  a  severance  of  relations  with  the  church  at  Ripple  and 
their  transfer  to  the  church  at  Northbourne,  situated  about 
a  mile  to  the  east  of  the  new  place  of  residence.  Two  years 
after  this   removal,  reports  of  the  formation   of  the   Spanish 

'Now  transformed  to  Martin.     The  Marsh  family  is  said  to  have  been  seated  at 
Marton  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Kdward  III. 
2Pedes  Finium,  Hilary,  28  Elizabeth. 


St.  Augustine's  Church,  Northbourne,  Kent. 


Interior  of  the  old  church,  Ripple,  Kent. 


PURCHASE  OF  RIPPLE  COURT  n 

armada  greatly  excited  and  alarmed  the  people  of  England, 
and  on  January  16,  1588/9  the  Queen  issued  a  proclamation 
asking  for  a  loan  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom  in  view  of 
''the  great  preparacons  made  by  the  Kinge  of  Spaine  both  by 
Sea  and  land  the  last  yere."  In  the  county  of  Kent  there  were 
eight  subscribers  in  the  month  of  February  and  thirty-nine 
in  March.  Sixth  on  the  latter  list  was  the  name  of  "John 
Gookyn  of  Norborne,  Esq.,"  who  subscribed  fifty  pounds, 
which  was  double  the  sum  advanced  by  most  of  the  other 
gentlemen  subscribers.1 

John  was  already  a  rich  man  when,  at  the  death  of  his 
father  in  June,  1599,  his  fortune  was  augmented  by  the  inherit- 
ance of  the  Bekesbourne  estate.  In  the  following  year  or 
soon  thereafter,  by  purchase  from  John  Hales,  Esq.,  of  Ten- 
terden  he  acquired  the  Manor  of  Ripple,  otherwise  known  as 
Ripple  Court, in  the  parish  of  Ripple.  According  to  Hasted2 
it  was  a  part  of  the  ancient  possessions  of  the  abbot  and  con- 
vent of  St.  Augustine  at  Northbourne  until  the  dissolution  of 
that  establishment,  when  King  Henry  VIII,  in  the  thirty-fourth 
year  of  his  reign  (1542-43),  granted  it  to  Archbishop  Cranmer, 
who,  not  long  afterward,  in  exchange  for  other  lands,  recon- 
veyed  it  to  the  crown,  where  it  remained  until  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, in  or  about  the  year  1599,  granted  it  to  John  Hales. 
Presumably  this  grant  brought  John  Gookin  a  long-cov- 
eted opportunity  to  establish  himself  in  the  principal  manor 
in  the  section  wherein  he  had  spent  the  greater  part  of  his  life. 
Ripple  Court  thus  became  the  family  seat  and  it  continued  as 
such  during  three  generations.3  The  manor  house  was  situated 
about  a  mile  southwest  of  Walmer  and  between  two  and  three 
miles  south  and  east  of  Northbourne  in  a  fine  location  on 
the  brow  of  a  hill  one  hundred  and  seventy-three  feet  above 
the  sea.  It  probably  faced  toward  the  northeast,  as  does  the 
modern  mansion  built4  upon  the  ancient  site,  which  commands 

'Br.  Mus.,  Stowe  MS.,  165. 

2  History  of  Kent,  ix,  565—67.     See  also  Ireland,  i,  647. 

3  It  was  sold  in  1668  by  John  Gookin's  grandson  and  namesake.  The  vendor's 
sons  joined  in  the  conveyance  to  break  the  entail. 

4  In  1828  by  John  Baker  Sladen,  Esq.  It  is  now  the  residence  of  his  grandson, 
Colonel  Joseph  Sladen.     One  only  of  the  ancient  buildings  is  now  standing,  a  dove- 


12  THE  CHILDREN  OF  JOHN  GOOKIN 

an  extensive  view  across  Sholden  Downs  and  the  Lydden  val- 
ley and  up  the  coast  as  far  as  Ramsgate. 

When  John  and  Catherine  Gookin  took  possession  of  Rip- 
ple Court  only  their  four  youngest  children  were  still  living 
beneath  the  parental  roof.  Altogether  twelve  children  were 
born  to  them.  Anne,  the  eldest,  probably  died  in  infancy. 
Amy  and  Mary  were  presumably  twins,  born  in  1568  or  1569. 
Amy  was  married  in  September,  1586,  to  Ingram  Joule,  or 
Jewell,  of  Capel-le-Ferne,  Kent;  Mary  was  married  twice,  her 
first  husband  being  Richard  Marsh  to  whom  she  was  united 
on  July  12,  1586,  and  her  second  being  Thomas  Grant  of 
Eythorne,  the  marriage  taking  place  in  June,  161 5.  Elizabeth, 
the  fourth  child, was  baptized  at  Ripple,  December  7,  1 571, and 
buried  July  25,  1575.  Thomas,  the  eldest  son  and  heir,  was 
baptized  at  Ripple,  January  13,  1571/2.  John,  the  second  son, 
was  baptized  at  Ripple,  August  17,  1575.  Next  came  another 
Elizabeth,  baptized  at  Ripple,  November  30, 1578,  and  married 
January  13,  1595/6  to  Clement  Swinforde.  A  son  Daniel  was 
baptized  at  Ripple  March  31,  1 580/1,  and  buried  October  25 
of  the  same  year.  Another  Daniel,  the  fourth  son,  was  baptized 
at  Ripple,  October  28,  1582;  Vincent,  the  fifth  son,  was  born 
probably  in  1585.  Katherine,  the  sixth  daughter,  was  baptized 
at  Northbourne,  October,  1587,  and  on  November  4, 1605,  was 
married  to  Thomas  Milton, gentleman,  of  London.  Margaret, 
the  seventh  daughter  and  youngest  child,  was  baptized  at  North- 
bourne  December  7,  1589  and  was  married  September  4, 1610, 
to  Thomas  Marsh,  Esq.,  of  Marton. 

John  Gookin  bore  for  his  arms:  Gules,  a  chevron  ermine 
between  three  cocks,  or.  Crest:  On  a  mural  crown  gules,  a 
cock  or,  crested,  barbed,  beaked,  and  membered  gules.  This 
coat  was  granted  to  him  in  1609  by  Sir  William  Segar,  Garter 
King  of  Arms.  The  Records  of  the  College  of  Arms  in  Lon- 
don, however,  show  the  chevron  or,  instead  of  ermine.  In  one 
of  the  books  of  the  college  there  is  a  sketch  of  the  coat  with 
the  tinctures  indicated  in  trick,  and  accompanying  it  the  fol- 
lowing inscription  in  English,  Latin,  and  French: 

cote  built  in  1647  by  John  Gookin.  It  bears  the  date  and  the  initials  of  John  and 
his  wife  Elizabeth  in  large  characters  in  raised  brickwork  on  one  of  the  end  walls. 


Armorial  bearings  granted  to  John  Gookin,  Esquire,  of  Ripple  Court,  in  1609. 


GRANT  OF  ARMORIAL  BEARINGS  13 

COKEINE   ALS    GOOKEINE 

E.  G.  a  Chevron  bet.  3  cocks,  O. 

L.    In  Scuto  sanguineo  Trabem  acuminatim   deflexam  (quam  Chever- 
num  vocant)  auream  inter  tres  Gallos  ejusdem  coloris  incestum. 

F.  De  Gucules  au  Chevron  d'Or  acompagne  de  trois  Coqs  d'Or. 

To  John  Gookeine,  son1  of  Arnold  Cokeine  alias  Gookeine  of  Ickham  in 
Kent. 

of  ye  abovesaid  Arms  and  Crest,  viz.:     On  a  Crowne  murall 

a  Cock  O.  crested,  barb'd,  beaqued  and  memb.  G. 
An°  Regni  Jac  I,  VII,  An°  Dom.  1609. 


It  is  evident  that  this  was  only  a  project  drawn  up  before 
the  grant  was  engrossed,  and  that  in  the  grant  as  issued  to 
John  Gookin  the  chevron  was  ermine.  Certain  it  is  that  as 
borne  by  the  members  of  the  family  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, it  was  ermine,  not  or.  It  so  appears  upon  the  hatchment 
used  at  the  funeral  of  John's  eldest  son,  Thomas  Gookin  of 
Ripple  Court,  who  died  in  January,  1624/5 2;  uPon  the  monu- 
ment in  St.  Nicholas's  Church,  Ringwold,  Kent,  to  the  mem- 
ory of  Jane  Edolph,  wife  of  John  Gookin's  grandson  Thomas 
Gookin  of  Harbledown;  and  upon  the  seal  used  by  another 
grandson,  Major  General  Daniel  Gookin  of  Cambridge,  Mas- 
sachusetts. Hasted  confirms  this  usage,3  as  does  Gwillim4  who 
says: 

"Gules,  a  chevron  ermine,  between  three  Cocks,  Or,  is 
borne  by  the  name  of  Gookeyn,  and  was  the  coat  of  John  Gokeyn, 
son  of  Arnold  Gokeyn,  Anno  160Q,  attested  by  John  Philpot, 
Somerset,  Herald." 

Although  Gwillim  must  have  made  the  statement  about 
John  Gookin's  parentage  from  the  memorandum  preserved 
by  the  College  of  Arms,  it  is  significant  that  he  did  not  accept 
the  description  of  the  arms  as  there  recited.  Moreover,  in 
Stowe  MS.  618,  "John  Philipott's  Visitation  of  Kent,  1619," 

1  An  obvious  mistake  of  a  kind  not  unique  in  the  records  made  by  the  heralds  of 
that  period. 

2This  hatchment  is  now  in  the  library  of  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogi- 
cal Society  in  Boston. 

•Vol.  ix,  567. 

4  A  Display  of  Heraldry,  6th  Ed.  1724,  p.  233. 


i4  THE  GOOKIN  ARMS 

the  drawing  of  the  Gookin  coat  shows  the  chevron  ermine  and 
the  mural  crown  in  the  crest,  gules,  as  they  appear  in  Thomas 
Gookin's  hatchment.  Further  confirmation  of  both  of  these 
differences  from  the  College  of  Arms  memorandum  is  afforded 


Seal  of  Major  General  Daniel  Gookin  from  letter  to  Secretary  Thurloe.1 

by  Harleian  MS.  5507,  "Philipots*  Visitation  of  Kent,  1619, 
with  additions  by  Hasted,"  and  Harleian  MS.  6138,  a  copy  of 
the  1619  Visitation  by  Henry  Lily. 

1  Rawl.  MSS.,  xxxiv,  609. 


CHAPTER   II 

OHN  GOOKIN'S  younger  sons,  Daniel  and 
Vincent,  early  left  home  in  search  of  fortune. 
John,  the  second  son,  became  a  barrister  at  law 
and  had  chambers  in  Lincoln's  Inn,  though  he 
lived  during  the  greater  part  of  his  life  at  Little 
Betteshanger,  which  his  father  gave  to  him  when 
he  removed  to  Ripple  Court.  John  was  deeply 
attached  to  his  older  brother  Thomas  and  they  undertook  a 
number  of  business  ventures  together,  which,  after  the  death 
of  Thomas  in  January,  1624/5,  resulted  in  long  drawn  out  liti- 
gation between  his  widow  and  his  brothers.  Thomas  was  a 
kindly  man,  dignified  in  his  bearing  as  became  his  station  in 
life,  extremely  pious,1  and  of  benevolent  disposition.  His  wife 
Jane  —  only  daughter  and  heir  of  Richard  Thurston,  Esq.,  of 
Challock,  Kent — was  of  different  mold.  Forceful  and  aggres- 
sive, she  attempted  to  saddle  upon  her  brothers-in-law  her 
husband's  share  of  obligations  for  which  they  were  jointly  lia- 
ble. This,  however,  was  a  losing  speculation  on  her  part,  for 
she  gained  nothing  by  it  and  succeeded  only  in  alienating  all 
the  members  of  her  husband's  family. 

It  was  not  customary  in  the  sixteenth  century  for  English 
gentlemen  to  give  a  liberal  education  to  any  of  their  sons  save 
those  destined  for  the  learned  professions.  Vincent  Gookin,  as 
we  know  from  his  own  statement,  was  taught  little  more  than 

'In  1624  he  published  a  volume  of  verse  entitled  "  Meditations  upon  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  the  Key  of  Heavenly  and  Earthly  Paradise."  A  copy  of  this  book,  perhaps 
the  only  one  in  existence,  is  in  the  library  of  the  British  Museum. 

IS 


16  DR.  RICHARD  BYRD 

to  read  and  write.  His  brother  Daniel  appears  to  have  received 
a  better  equipment,  and  there  is  some  reason  to  think  he  may 
have  been  intended  for  the  church.  As  his  career  very  largely 
determined  that  of  his  son,  and  as  the  story  of  his  life  has 
never  been  printed,  it  is  here  narrated  in  such  detail  as  may 
be  perceived  through  the  veil  of  the  intervening  years. 

Of  Daniel's  early  life  little  is  known.  He  was  still  at 
Ripple  in  August,  1601,  when,  with  his  brother  John,  he  signed 
a  marriage  license  bond  for  Thomas  Gillowe  of  Walmer. 
Thereafter  he  disappears  from  our  view  until  January  20, 
1608/9,  when,  by  deed  indented,  his  father  conveyed  to  him 
several  parcels  of  land  near  Ripple.1  This  was  in  anticipation 
of  his  marriage,  which  took  place  on  the  thirty-first  of  the 
same  month  in  Canterbury  Cathedral,  to  Mary  Byrd,  daugh- 
ter of  Rev.  Richard  Byrd,  D.D.,  one  of  the  Canons  of  the 
Cathedral. 

Daniel  Gookin's  father-in-law  was  a  scholar  of  some  repute 
for  his  learning.  He  was  of  the  Byrds  of  Saffron  Walden 
in  Essex,  but  which  member  of  that  very  large  family  was 
his  father  has  not  been  ascertained.  He  was  born,  it  may  be 
assumed,  in  or  about  the  year  1546,  for  in  February,  1564/5, 
he  was  matriculated  at  Cambridge  as  a  sizar  of  Trinity  Col- 
lege. Competing  successfully  for  a  scholarship  on  the  foun- 
dation, he  was  sworn  in  as  a  Scholar  of  Trinity  on  May  18  of 
the  same  year,  and  in  1568/9  was  graduated  with  the  degree 
of  B.A.  Shortly  afterward  he  was  elected  a  Fellow  of  the 
college,  and  in  1572  commenced  studies  for  the  M. A.  degree. 
In  1576  he  appears  to  have  been  serving  a  cure  at  or  near 
Saffron  Walden  where  a  new  sect  of  dissenters  calling  them- 
selves "pure  brethren"  had  arisen.  "A  sort  of  libertines  they 
were,"  says  Strype,2  "that  reckoned  themselves  not  bound  to 
the  observation  of  the  moral  law  of  the  ten  commandments, 
as  being  obligatory  to  such  only  as  were  Jews."  Byrd  wrote 
to  Dr.  Whitgift  soliciting  his  advice  as  to  how  he  could  best 
answer  the  questions  propounded  by  these  sectaries.3   On  May 

1  Close  Roll.  9  James  I,  No  30. 

*  Annals  of  the  Reformation,  II,  ii,  64-65. 

3  Strype,  Life  of  Whitgift,  151. 


Hatchment  used  at  the  funeral  of  Thomas  Gookin,  Esquire, 
of  Ripple  Court,  Kent,  in  January,  1625. 


TUTOR  TO  LORD  BURGHLEY'S  GRANDSON  17 

2,  1577,  letters  patent  were  issued  at  Westminster  granting  to 
"Richard  Bearde,  M.A.,"  for  life,  the  rectory  of  the  Church 
of  All  Saints  at  Northampton,  but,  as  neither  the  First  Fruits 
Composition  Books,  the  Institution  Books,  nor  the  Induction 
Books  for  that  parish  contain  any  reference  to  his  having 
taken  up  the  incumbency,  it  is  apparent  that  he  was  never 
instituted  to  the  living.  In  1578  he  published  a  small  volume 
of  "Latin  Verses  on  Whitaker's  translation  of  Jewel  against 
Harding,"1  and  in  1580  he  was  given  the  degree  of  B.D.  at 
Cambridge.  His  relatives  at  this  time  were  bestirring  to  get 
him  into  a  comfortable  living,  and  on  December  1,  1 581, 
Queen  Elizabeth  granted  to  William  Woodhall  of  Walden 
(son-in-law  of  Thomas  Byrd  of  Walden  and  nephew  of  the 
Puritan  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Edmund  Grindall)  and 
his  brother-in-law  Rev.  William  Wilson,  S.T.P.,  Chancellor 
of  St.  Paul's,2  a  patent  for  the  next  advowson  and  presentation 
to  the  prebends  of  Canterbury  Cathedral  on  behalf  of  Richard 
Bird,  S.T.  P.3 

While  waiting  for  a  vacancy  to  occur  Byrd  accepted  a 
position  as  tutor  to  William  Cecil,4  eldest  son  of  Sir  Thomas 
Cecil,  eldest  son  of  Lord  Burghley,  and  in  1 583  he  was  in  Paris 
with  his  charge.  Dr.  William  Parry,  a  notorious  scoundrel 
who  traveled  abroad  as  a  spy  for  Queen  Elizabeth,  in  a  letter 
written  to  Lord  Burghley  in  October  of  that  year,  reported 
the  arrival  in  Paris  of  the  Queen's  Ambassador,  Sir  Edward 
Stafford,  "and  in  his  retinue  Mr.  Will.  Cecil,"  of  whom,  says 
Strype,5"he  gave  a  good  character  knowing  how  acceptable  it 
would  be  to  that  lord,  his  grandfather,  viz:  'That  his  good- 
nature and  towardness  began  to  make  a  very  good  show 
already.  That  he  [Parry]  would  do  his  best  to  make  it  appear 
how  much  he  was  bound  unto  his  lordship.'  And  concern- 
ing one   Mr.  Bird,  whom   his  lordship   had  appointed  to  be 

1Hexastichon  Latinium  in  conversionem  Juelli  contra  Hardingum,  per  Whit- 
akerum.  Lond.  MDLXXVIII.  Cf.  Tanner's  BibliothecaBritanico-Hibernica.  Lond. 
1748,  p.  102. 

2  Shortly  afterward  Canon  of  St.  George's,  Windsor. 

3  Patent  Rolls,  24  Eliz.  Pt.  7. 

4  At  the  death  of  his  father  in  1622  he  succeeded  as  second  Earl  of  Exeter.  He 
died  in  1640. 

5  Annals  III,  i,  273. 


18  BYRD'S  LETTER  TO  BURGHLEY 

his  governor  and  to  attend  him  in  his  journey,  he  added  'That 
his  lordship,  in  his  opinion,  had  made  a  very  good  choice  of 
him,  whose  government  and  care  of  Mr.  Cecil  could  not  be 
amended.  That  he  was  very  well  lodged  in  good  air  and 
neighborhood.  And  that  Mr.  Pallavicini  (an  eminent  Italian 
merchant  in  London,  now  there  as  it  seems  on  some  of  the 
queen's  business)  had  especial  care  of  him  and  so  had  my  lord 
ambassador  and  his  lady.' '  Unluckily  for  Richard  Byrd,  not- 
withstanding this  care  and  his  own  watchfulness,  young  Mr. 
Cecil  got  out  of  hand  and  became  a  convert  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  faith.  This  greatly  incensed  the  English  ambassa- 
dor, who  blamed  the  tutor  and  subjected  him  to  gross  indig- 
nities. After  his  return  to  England  Byrd  wrote  to  Lord 
Burghley  complaining  of  the  injustice  of  the  harsh  treatment 
he  had  received.1 

To  the  right  honorable,  my  very 

good  Lord,  the  L.  Burghley 

L.  High  Treasurer  of  England. 
In  most  humble  wise  I  beseech  yor  Honor  to  pardon  me  that  thus 
long  after  my  returne  out  of  Fraunce  I  offer  my  Ires  unto  yor  L.  before 
I  presume  to  present  myselfe.  The  grief  and  feare  I  sustaine  by  conceipt 
of  yr  L.  displeasure  growing  by  unjust  relacon  of  some  hath  hitherto 
staied  me  together  with  the  difficulty  of  my  case,  a  poor  man  forced  to 
contend  for  my  credit  against  honor  favor  and  authority.  My  comfort 
resteth  in  my  truth  and  innocency  (wch  by  privilege  should  be  bould) 
and  that  1  hoope  to  answere  of  my  life  and  demeanor  towards  Mr  W. 
Cecill  before  yor  Honor,  whose  wisdome  and  integrity  is  known  to  the 
whole  world.  What  Sir  Edward  Stafford  Her  Maties  Ambassador  hath 
written  unto  yor  Honor  in  complaint  and  discredit  of  me,  I  know  not, 
and  therefore  cannot  p fitly  answere  the  pticulars,  but  yf  otherwise  then 
that  since  my  being  in  Fraunce  I  have  lived  a  true  Christian,  a  faithfull 
subject  to  my  Princes  and  most  carefull  of  the  charge  cofnitted  unto  me, 
his  L.  hath  done  me  wrong.  Indeed  he  hath  proceaded  against  me  as 
coulpable  of  greatest  crymes,  but  wth  what  honor  and  justice,  the  hiest 
Judge  best  knoweth,  and  will  one  daie  determine.  First  by  partiall  deal- 
ings by  fowle  accusacons  of  intemperance,  dronnkenness,  whoredome, 
sedicon,  treason  &c.  Next  (notwithstanding  my  humble  submission  in 
writinge  or  my  vehement  contradicons  of  his  injuste  obiections  sent  unto 
yor  L.  and  coming  myselfe  to  confirme  the  same  with  all  duetie)  pub- 
licly  in   presence  of  manie   Gentlemen   of  or  nation  of  both  religions, 

JBr.  Mus.,  Lansdowne  MS S.,  Vol.  46,  No.  9. 


HARSH  TREATMENT  BY  STAFFORD  19 

assembled  for  the  same  purpose,  taken  by  his  porteur,  and  carried  to  pryson; 
againe,  convented  before  them  all,  reviled  by  termes  of  rebel,  traitor, 
vilaine,  <5cc.,  threatened  to  be  whipped  naked  by  his  horseboies,  made  a 
skorne  to  vyle  disposed  persons  present,  and  a  reproche  and  byvvourde 
to  thenemies  of  my  faith  and  country  absent,  finally  shamefully  abused 
by  his  servannts,  namely  one  Lilly  a  man  commonlie  knowen  to  be  of 
most  vile  disposicon;  by  him  in  the  French  Court,  and  day  of  the  greatest 
entertainment  of  my  L.  of  Darby,  discredited  to  honourable  Gentlemen 
my  friends  in  myne  own  hearinge  to  be  a  vilaine  a  knave,  &c.  After 
in  my  entrance  into  the  Chamber  of  Presence,  procureth  the  French  Guard 
by  his  malicious  and  slanderous  speeches  violentlie  to  strike  me,  and  in 
the  honorable  presence  striketh  me  himselfe.  I  complained  in  humble 
manner  to  his  Lordship;  I  was  contempned  of  him  and  derided  and 
reviled  of  his  man.  Verily,  my  good  L.  yf  I  had  bene  Mr  W.  Cecills 
spaniel,  I  ought  not  thus  to  have  ben  used.  Yf  I  can  be  convinced  of 
these  crimes,  convicted  or  touched  justlie  with  so  much  as  suspicon  of 
anie  of  them  I  crave  thextremest  punishment  without  anie  favour.  Erred 
I  have  I  confesse  in  some  intemperate  speeches,  more  like  a  naturall  man 
then  a  mortified  Di\ine,  being  first  most  intemperately  used,  when,  yf  I 
had  had  the  mild  spirit  of  Moises  I  should  not  have  conteined. 

To  Mr  W  Cecill,  my  good  Lord,  I  have  done  my  dutie  faithfully,  as 
in  the  sight  of  God  and  as  I  desire  mercie  at  his  hands.  In  grief  of  hart 
I  complain  unto  yor  Honor  as  once  S'  Ambrose  in  case  not  unlike,  that 
I  have  been  robbed  of  the  sowle  of  that  young  gentleman  by  wicked  and 
trecherous  men  in  care  and  poursuit  of  whose  safety  I  am  fallen  into  these 
troubles.  In  theducacon  and  government  of  one  of  his  qualitie  I  confesse 
myselfe  to  have  proceaded  indiscretly.  If  to  direct  him  in  the  true  fear 
of  God  by  example,  by  precept,  by  privat  caution  and  loving  admonicon, 
and  to  instruct  him  in  all  honorable  and  honest  qualities  be  points  of 
indiscrecon.  Otherwise  my  lord,  I  think  I  have  not  greatlie  erred.  But 
now  are  the  times  and  manners  of  men,  wherein  Christian  and  vertuous 
educacon  is  thought  to  base  for  nobilitie,  and  diagoras  doctrine  of  Athe- 
isme  and  sensuall  libertie  taken  of  some  to  be  the  sounder  divinitie, 
thiniquitie  of  wch  judgment  the  Lord  of  Justice,  I  doubt  not  will  short- 
lie  confound. 

Touching  one  Pomere.  It  may  please  yor  honor  I  hired  thould  man 
for  or  instrucon  in  the  french  tonge  and  gave  him  his  honest  reward;  his 
books  wch  I  borrowed  I  trulie  restored  except  one  pamphlet  written  of 
pilgrims  not  borrowed  by  me,  but  brought  me  by  him,  as  poets  and 
painters  covet  to  have  their  creatures  read  and  seen,  wch  being  long  by 
me,  as  some  such  toies  of  like  substance  and  content,  was  at  length  lost 
either  by  some  negligence  in  removing  from  one  lodging  to  another,  or  as 
I  rather  think,  by  Mr  Cecill  otherwise  bestowed.  Soe  my  good  Lord 
the  cause  of  this  ould  man  (who  would  not  be  satisfied  with  any  intreatie 
or  offer  of  recompence)  his  triple  complaint. 


20    CANON  OF  CANTERBURY  CATHEDRAL 

Thus  my  honorable  good  lord  I  have  brieflie  shewed  you  thunhappie 
successe  of  my  travaile  and  so  humblie  submit  myself  unto  your  equitie 
for  regard  of  my  desert;  Howsover  it  shall  please  yor  Honor  to  deter- 
mine of  me,  yet  will  I  remaine  not  an  enimy  to  yor  house  as  some  hardlie 
say  but  a  most  faithfull  and  truly  affectioned  servant  and  yor  Hon"  dur- 
inge  my  life  most  humble  and  bounden. 


Endorsed:  June,  1585.  MrBird  to  my  L. 
The  cruel  and  unjust  dealing  of  Sir  Edw: 
Stafford  towards  him.  His  true  love  & 
service  to  Mr  Wm  Cecill.  Mr  Wm  Cecill 
turned  Papist  in  France.     Bird  his  Tutor. 

In  what  temper  Lord  Burghley  took  this  appeal  there  is 
nothing  to  show.  Apparently,  however,  he  did  not  oppose  the 
preferments  that  came  to  the  unfortunate  tutor  only  a  few 
years  later.  On  March  21,  1588/9,  Mr.  Byrd  was  collated  to 
the  archdeaconry  of  Cleveland,  and  in  September,  1590,  he  was 
installed  as  a  canon  of  Canterbury  Cathedral.  In  1595  he 
published  "A  Communication  Dialogue  wise  to  be  learned  of 
the  ignorant,"  which  seems  to  have  been  commonly  known 
as  Bird's  Catechism.1  He  resigned  his  archdeaconry  before 
1601,  and  in  1608  he  was  given  the  degree  of  D.D.  His  death 
occurred  in  June,  1609,  less  than  five  months  after  his  daugh- 
ter Mary  was  married  to  Daniel  Gookin,  and  on  the  nine- 
teenth of  the  month  he  was  buried  in  Canterbury  Cathedral. 
Besides  Mary,  he  had  two  daughters  who  died  in  infancy  and  a 
daughter  "Cysly,"  buried  at  Canterbury  October  22,  1608. 
He  also  had  a  son  Peter,  born  in  Canterbury  in  1603;  and  it 
is  probable  that  he  was  the  father  of  "Elizabeth  Birrde," 
who  was  married  in  the  Cathedral  on  July  4,  1609,  to  Richard 
Martin.  The  date  of  this  marriage,  following  so  soon  after  Dr. 
Byrd's  death,  is  perhaps  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  wor- 

Cooper's  Athenae  Cantabridgiensis,  ii,  521. 


DR.  JOHN  ME  YE  21 

shipful  prebendary  left  his  family  in  straightened  circum- 
stances. His  widow  renounced  administration  of  the  estate 
and  letters  were  taken  out  by  a  creditor. 

Dr.  Byrd's  wife,  whom  it  is  probable  that  he  married  after 
his  return  from  France,  was  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  John 
Meye,  or  May,  Bishop  of  Carlisle,  by  his  wife  Amy,  daughter 
of  William  Vowell  of  Creake  Abbey  in  Norfolk,  and  widow  of 
John  Cowell  of  Lancashire.  Bishop  Meye  was  born  about 
1526  in  the  county  of  Suffolk.  His  parentage  has  not  been 
ascertained,  though  he  was  an  armiger  and  bore  for  his  arms: 
Sable,  a  chevron  or,  between  three  cross-crosslets  fitchee, 
argent;  on  a  chief  of  the  second,  three  roses.  The  charge  in 
chief  was  probably  an  addition  granted  to  the  bishop,  for  his 
brother  William  Meye,  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  and  at  the  time  of 
his  death  Archbishop-elect  of  York,  bore  the  arms  plain. 

John  Meye  was  matriculated  on  May  2,  1544,  as  a  sizar 
of  Queen's  College,  Cambridge.  He  was  appointed  bible- 
clerk  of  his  college,  and,  in  1549/50,  proceeded  B.A.  He  was 
elected  Fellow  of  Queen's  in  1550,  commenced  M.A.  in  1553, 
acted  as  Bursar  of  the  college  during  1553,  1554,  and  1555,  and 
at  midsummer,  1557,  he  was  ordained  Priest.  On  Novem- 
ber 16,  1557,  he  was  instituted  to  the  rectory  of  Aston  Sand- 
ford,  Buckinghamshire,  on  the  presentation  of  Anne,  Countess 
of  Oxford,  but  resigned  that  benefice  the  following  year.1  In 
1559  he  was  elected  Master  of  St.  Catherine's  Hall  in  Cam- 
bridge. This  post  he  held  for  about  eighteen  years.  He 
commenced  B.D.  in  1560,  and  the  same  year  was  collated  to 
the  rectory  of  Long  Stanton,  St.  Michael,  Cambridgeshire.  In 
1562  Archbishop  Parker  collated  him  by  lapse  to  the  rectory 
of  North  Creake,  Norfolk.  In  1564  he  was  created  D.D.,  and 
about  the  same  time  he  obtained  a  canonry  of  Ely,  which  he 
held  until  May,  1 582.2  In  1565  he  was  nominated  one  of  the 
Lent  preachers  at  court,  and  on  September  26  he  was  collated 
by  Archbishop  Parker  to  the  rectory  of  St.  Dunstan-in-the- 
East,  London,  which  he  vacated  in  January,  1573/4-  He  was 
admitted  to   the  archdeaconry  of  the  East  Riding  of  York- 

1  Lipscomb's  Buckinghamshire,  i,  47. 

2  Le  Neve,  Fasti,  ed.  Hardy,  i,  361. 


22  BISHOP  OF  CARLISLE 

shire,  by  proxy,  on  August  3, 1569,  and  in  person  on  October 
8,  1 571,  and  retained  it  until  the  end  of  1588.  He  held  also 
the  moiety  of  the  rectory  of  Darfield,  Yorkshire.  During  the 
year  beginning  in  November,  1569,  he  served  as  Vice-Chan- 
cellor of  Cambridge  University,  and,  while  holding  this  office, 
was  one  of  a  committee  appointed  to  visit  King's  College, 
which  had  been  thrown  into  a  state  of  confusion  by  the  con- 
duct of  Dr.  Philip  Baker,  the  Provost. 

In  1576  the  see  of  Durham  became  vacant  by  the  death  of 
Bishop  Pilkington,  and  George  Talbot,  sixth  Earl  of  Shrews- 
bury, wrote  the  Earl  of  Leicester  at  court,  enclosing  a  letter  to 
Queen  Elizabeth,  and  bespeaking  that  powerful  lord's  influ- 
ence with  the  queen  to  have  his  friend,  Dr.  Meye,  appointed 
as  Dr.  Pilkington's  successor,  or  else,  if  Dr.  Barnes,  the  Bishop 
of  Carlisle,  should  be  translated  to  Durham,  that  Meye  should 
obtain  the  bishopric  of  Carlisle.     To  this  says  Strype:1 

"The  Earl  of  Leicester  answered  that  her  majesty  had  received  the 
letter,  and  took  his  suit  in  good  part,  and  added,  that  he  knew  the  said 
May  was  like  to  have  good  speed  for  one  of  those  bishoprics.  That  he 
had  some  back-friends,  but  that  he  was  then  past  the  worst;  and  was 
much  bound  to  his  lordship.  Adding,  that  he  thought  the  bishop  would 
be  appointed  shortly." 

Through  the  intervention  of  Lord  Burghley  Dr.  Barnes 
was  given  the  Durham  bishopric,  whereupon,  in  May,  1577, 
Dr.  Meye  was  appointed  Bishop  of  Carlisle.  He  was  conse- 
crated on  September  29.  On  June  1,  1577,  he  wrote  Shrews- 
bury a  letter  expressing  gratitude  for  his  friend's  good  offices 
in  securing  the  appointment,  and  requesting  the  earl  to  obtain 
for  him  the  queen's  license  to  hold  his  other  preferments  in 
commendam,  that  among  other  things  he  might  still  enjoy  the 
benefice  of  Darfield,  which  was  the  only  place  he  then  had  to 
stay  in,  as  Rose  Castle,  the  episcopal  seat,  was  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  temporal  lord,  the  Lord  Scroop,  until  Michael- 
mas, and  he  had  lately  parted  with  his  Mastership  of  St. 
Catherine's  Hall  to  one  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester's  chaplains,  at 
that  lord's  request.    Apparently  the  commendam  was  obtained 

1  Annals,  II,  ii,  52. 


CRITICISED  BY  THE  PURITANS  23 

without  difficulty,  but  it  seems  to  have  subjected  the  bishop  to 
censure.     Strype  tell  us:1 

"This  Darfield  was  a  rectory  in  Yorkshire,  containing  no  less  than 
two  thousand  souls,  young  and  old ;  but  not  coming  all  to  one  church, 
there  being  two  chapels  annexed;  the  one  at  Wombe,  the  other  at  Worse- 
borough,  which  town  might  consist  of  six  hundred  souls  more.  To 
which  parish  belonged  a  parson  (who  was  the  bishop)  and  a  vicar,  whose 
living  consisted  of  a  pension  of  twenty-two  marks;  the  parson's  of  six  or 
seven  score  pounds  by  the  year.  He  allowed  to  the  curates  of  the  two 
chapels  (whereof  the  vicar  was  one)  five  pounds  yearly.  And  the  bishop 
procured  quarterly  sermons  for  his  head  church.  But  for  this,  the  bishop 
was  unworthily  slandered  and  clamoured  at  by  the  puritan  faction  after 
this  manner:  If  one  asked,  why  these  stipendiaries  took  so  little  of  the 
parson,  and  he  received  so  much,  answer  was  made,  that  if  they  refused, 
the  bishop  would  take  one  or  other  that  came  next  to  hand,  and  create 
him  a  shepherd  in  one  day,  that  would  be  content  to  serve  him  for  less. 
Such  slanders  were  easily  raised,  and  then  studiously  blown  about  among 
the  common  people." 

This  was  not  the  first  occasion  when  Dr.  Meye  had  been 
criticised  by  the  Puritans.  As  Vice-Chancellor  of  Cambridge 
he  was  concerned  with  Dr.  Whitgift  and  others  in  the  com- 
pilation of  the  statutes  given  to  the  university  by  Queen  Eliza- 
beth in  1570.2  Mr.  Dering,  chaplain  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk 
and  one  of  the  leading  Puritans  of  his  day,  in  a  letter  to  the 
chancellor  of  the  university,  dated  November  18,  1570,  pro- 
nounced these  statutes  "unrighteous,"  and  added,  "D.  May 
and  D.  Chaderton,  two  other  of  the  Heades,  ther  is  small 
constancie  ether  in  ther  life  or  in  ther  religion."  It  should 
be  noted,  however,  that  all  the  heads  of  the  university  who 
were  not  Puritans  were  condemned  in  similar  terms. 

Bishop  Meye's  name  occurs  in  a  commission  issued  on 
May  14,  1578,  for  a  visitation  of  the  Church  of  Durham.3 
He  entered  upon  his  episcopal  duties  at  a  trying  time,  as 
appears  from  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  dated  at 
Rose  Castle,  December  3,  1578,  requesting  him  to  write  to 
Robert  Dudley,  Earl  of  Leicester,  to   back  his   suit  to   the 

Annals,  II,  ii,  55. 
2 Strype.     Life  of  Parker,  ii,  37. 

3John  May.  Article  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  by  Gordon  Goodwin.  This  has  been 
freely  drawn  upon  in  the  preparation  of  this  sketch  of  Bishop  May's  life. 


24  IMPOVERISHED  BY  BENEFACTIONS 

Queen  for  the  remission  of  his  first-fruits,  as  he  had  been  put 
to  excessive  charges  during  the  last  year  by  hospitality  and 
relieving  of  the  poor  in  a  time  of  great  dearth  in  the  coun- 
try. He  protested  that  when  his  year's  account  was  made  at 
Michaelmas  preceding,  his  expenses  surmounted  the  year's 
revenues  of  his  bishopric  by  600/.,  and  he  concluded  by  beg- 
ging to  be  excused  from  attending  parliament  on  account  of 
his  poverty.  Again  on  July  22,  1587,  Meye  wrote  Shrews- 
bury that  he  was  in  debt  and  danger  by  reason  of  the  intoler- 
able dearth  of  corn  in  his  country,  and  on  account  of  process 
against  him  out  of  the  exchequer  for  non-payment  of  146/. 
due  to  the  Queen  for  subsidy.  On  February  15,  1592/3,  the 
Queen  presented  William  Holland  to  the  rectory  of  North 
Creake,  which  Meye  still  held.  Thence  arose  a  suit  in  the 
Queen's  Bench,  wherein  it  was  held  that  the  rectory  might 
be  treated  as  void  by  reason  of  Meye  being  subsequently 
inducted  to  Darfield. 

John  Meye  was  the  author  of  some  plays,  now  lost,  which 
were  acted  by  the  members  of  Queen's  College  in  1551  and 
1553.  The  only  writings  by  him  that  are  known  to  have 
survived  are  the  letters  to  Lord  Shrewsbury,  and,  among  the 
Tanner  MSS.  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  some  notes  of  a  ser- 
mon he  preached  at  Paul's  Cross  the  Sunday  after  St.  Bar- 
tholomew's Day,  1565.1  He  died  at  Rose  Castle  on  February 
15,  1597/8,  and  was  buried  at  Carlisle  a  few  hours  after  his 
death,  which  was  probably  caused  by  the  plague.  The  regis- 
ter of  the  parish  of  Dalston,  in  Cumberland,  contains  this 
record  of  his  decease  and  place  of  interment: 

Feb.  15,  1597.  Reverendus  in  Christo  pater,  Johannes  Mey,  divina 
providentia  episcopus  Carliolensis,  hora  octava  matutina  decimi  quinti  diei 
Februarii,  mortem  oppetiit,  et  hora  octava  vespertina  ejusdem  diei,  Car- 
liolensi  in  ecclesia  sepultus  fuit.  Cujus  justa  celebrabantur  die  sequenti 
Dalstonii. 

Bishop  Meye  was  the  father  of  John  Meye  of  Shouldham 
Abbey,  Norfolk,  who  married  Cordelia,  daughter  of  Mar- 
tin  Bowes,  Esq.,  of  London;  Elizabeth,  wife  of  Dr.  Richard 

1  Hackman,  Cat.  of  Tanner  MSS.,  p.  1022. 


LADY  MEYE'S  ANCESTRY 


25 


Byrd;  Alice,  wife  of  Rev.  Richard  Burton  of  Burton,  York- 
shire; and  Anne,  wife  of  Rev.  Richard  Pilkington,  D.D., 
rector  of  Hambleden,  Buckinghamshire. 

Amy  (Vowell)  Meye,  the  bishop's  lady,  survived  him 
nearly  twenty-three  years.  After  his  death  she  appears  to 
have  lived  with  her  daughter  Anne  Pilkington  in  the  little 
Thames-side  village  of  Hambleden,  near  Henley.  She  was 
buried  there  December  5,  1620.  Her  line  of  descent  from 
several  ancient  families  is  shown  in  the  following  pedigree, 
which  has  been  compiled,  without  other  verification,  from  the 
Visitations  of  the  counties  of  Norfolk,  Somerset,  Dorset,  and 
Devon,  Hutchins'  History  of  Dorset,  and  Harl.  MS.  4756. 


William  Vowell    = 
of  Wells  in 
Somerset,  Gent. 
Arms:     Gules, 
three  escutcheons 
argent,  each 
charged  with  a 
cinquefoil,  azure. 


John  Fauntleroy.       = 
Probably  of  the 
Dorset  family  seated 
at  the  manor  of 
Fauntleroy's  Marsh. 
Arms :  (?)  Three 
infants'  heads  couped 
at  the  shoulders, 
proper,  crined  or. 


Adam  de  Copleston 
of  Copleston  in 
Devon. 

Arms:     Argent,  a 
chevron  engrailed 
gules,  between  3 
leopards'  faces, 
azure. 


Richard  Vowell  =  Margaret  Fauntleroy. 

of  Wells  in  Somer- 
set, Gent. 

Arms:     Vowell  as 
before,  impaling 
Fauntleroy,  as 
before. 


Thomas  Copleston 
of  Luckcombe  in 
Somerset. 


William 
Vowell  of 
Wells  in  Som- 
erset, Gent. 
Arms:  Vowell 
as  before, 
impaling  Dry- 
land, (?)  Gules, 
guttee  d'eau,  a 
fess,  wavy,  or. 


Elizabeth 
Dryland,  dau. 

of 

Dryland  of  co. 
Kent. 


William   Hymer-  =  Margaret 


ford  or  Hemer- 
ford.of  EastCoker 
(or  Estocke), 
co.  Somerset. 
Arms:     Argent,  a 
chevron  between 
three  drakes, 
sable;  on  an 
escutcheon  of 
pretense,  Copies- 
ton  as  before. 


Copleston 
fifth  daughter 
and  co-heir. 


26 


LADY  MEYE'S  ANCESTRY 


William  Vowell 
of  Creake  Abbey,  co. 
Norfolk,  Gent. 
Arms:     Vowell  as 
before;  on  an  escut- 
cheon of  pretense, 
quarterly,  1st  and  4th 
Hymerford,  2nd  and 
3d  Copleston,  as 
before. 


Margaret  Hymerford 
daughter  and  heir. 


1st  John  Cowell  =  Amy  Vowell  =  2nd  John  Meye,  Bishop  of 
of  Lancashire.  I  Carlisle. 


Elizabeth  Meye=  Richard  Byrd,  D.D., 
Canon  of  Canterbury 
Cathedral. 


Mary  Byrd  =  Daniel  Gookin 
of  Carrigaline. 


PART  II 
DANIEL  GOOKIN  OF  CARRIGALINE 


5  \  >T3  - 1 

7'/'. 

On  \  NX 

m 

•.  r 

L  i 

\nt.yy~  . 

> '  »  J 

CHAPTER  III 

HERE  Daniel  Gookin  lived  at  the  time  of  his 
marriage  to  Mary  Byrd  has  not  been  ascertained. 
On  October  24,  1610,  he  sold  to  his  brother 
Thomas  the  lands  given  him  by  his  father,  and 
about  two  months  later,  that  is  on  January  2, 
1610/1,  he  bought  back  from  Thomas  a  parcel 
containing  twenty-two  acres  of  fresh  marsh.1 
No  record  of  the  birth  or  baptism  of  his  eldest  son  Richard 
has  yet  come  to  light,  but  his  second  son  Edward  was  baptized 
at  Ripple,  June  23,  161 1.  Whether  this  points  to  residence 
somewhere  in  Kent  or  near  there,  or  indicates  that  in  the  sum- 
mer of  161 1  Daniel  brought  his  family  from  a  distance  for  a 
visit  to  his  father  and  mother  at  Ripple  Court  can  only  be 
conjectured.  His  brother  Vincent,  who  had  spent  some  years 
on  the  continent  before  reaching  his  majority,  engaged,  it  is 
probable,  in  the  pilchard  industry,  made  his  way  to  Ireland, 
in  or  about  the  year  1606,  and  settled  at  Courtmacsherry,  in 
the  county  of  Cork.  Except  that  he  was  ever  scrupulously 
upright  in  all  his  dealings  with  his  fellow-men,  Vincent  Gookin 
was  a  typical  adventurer  of  the  age  of  adventure  in  which  he 
lived.  Eager,  forceful,  clear-sighted,  and  self-reliant,  he  quickly 
laid  the  foundation  of  what  grew',  before  he  reached  middle 
life,  to  be  a  large  fortune.  Munster,  which  had  been  almost 
depopulated  after  Desmond's  rebellion,  and  again  devastated 
during    the    strife    that    followed    the   revolt    of  "red    Hugh 


'Close  Roll,  9  James  I,  Pt.  3,  No.  30. 


29 


30  REMOVAL  TO  IRELAND 

O'Neill,"  Earl  of  Tyrone,  in  1598,  was,  in  the  early  years  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  outside  of  a  few  walled  towns,  a  wild 
and  inhospitable  country.  It  offered,  however,  unusual  oppor- 
tunities to  the  English  gentlemen  of  hardy  mould  and  deter- 
mined spirit,  mostly  younger  sons  of  good  family,  who  soon 
flocked  thither  in  considerable  numbers.  Without  doubt  it 
was  the  representations  as  to  these  opportunities  made  by  Vin- 
cent Gookin  that  led  Daniel  to  follow  his  brother  to  the  new 
place  of  abode.  How  early  the  migration  took  place  is  not 
known,  save  that  it  was  prior  to  June,  1616,  for  at  that  date 
Daniel  was  living  in  Coolmain,  parish  of  Ringrose,  county 
Cork,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  bay  from  Vincent's  resi- 
dence at  Courtmacsherry.1 

In  October,  1612,  Catherine  (Denne)  Gookin,  the  mother 
of  Daniel  and  Vincent,  died  and  was  buried  in  the  city  of 
Canterbury.2  About  this  time  John  Gookin  turned  over  the 
manor  of  Ripple  Court  to  his  eldest  son  Thomas,  upon  whom 
the  reversion  in  tail  had  been  settled  at  the  time  of  its  purchase. 
Not  wishing,  however,  to  part  with  the  title  during  his  lifetime, 
John  put  his  son  in  possession  under  a  twenty  years'  lease. 
For  awhile  thereafter  it  is  presumable  that  he  remained  in  Rip- 
ple as  a  member  of  his  son's  household.  The  militant  temper 
of  Jane  Gookin,  the  new  mistress  of  Ripple  Court,  made  the 
family  seat  no  longer  an  agreeable  place  for  her  father-in-law 
to  live  in,  and  so,  at  the  age  of  about  seventy,  he  undertook  the 
journey  —  in  that  day  a  long  and  somewhat  arduous  one — to 
the  south  of  Ireland,  to  make  his  home  during  his  remaining 
years  with  his  beloved  son  Daniel. 

In  1619,  on  the  19th  of  June,  Daniel  Gookin  sold  to  a 
Kentish  man  named  Thomas  Petley,  for  the  sum  of  X43°> tne 
twenty-two  acres  of  fresh  marsh  in  the  parishes  of  Hope  All 
Saints  and  St.  Mary's  in  Romney  Marsh,  Kent,  not,  however, 
conveying  the  dower  of  his  wife  Mary,  which  was  expressly 
excepted.3     This  was  a  part  of  a  transaction  by  which  Daniel 

1  Close  Roll,  14  James  I,  Pt.  10,  No.  21. 

2  Register  Book  of  the  Parish  of  St.  George  the  Martyr,  p.  136.  The  burial  is 
recorded  on  October  28  and  again  on  the  29th,  and  Catherine  is  described  as  "M'ris 
Gookine  of  the  p'ishe  of  St.  Paule." 

'Close  Roll,  14  James  1,  Pt.  10,  No.  21. 


~ 


<*&> 


PURCHASE  OF  CARRIGALINE  31 

purchased  from  Petley  for  sixteen  hundred  pounds  sterling,1 
then  a  very  considerable  sum,  the  castle  and  lands  of  Carriga- 
line,  situated  about  seven  miles  southeast  of  the  city  of  Cork, 
down  the  harbor,  at  the  head  of  an  arm  of  the  sea  called  the 
Oonbuoy  River. 

Carrigaline  was  in  early  times  called  Beauver,  Beaver,  or 
Belvoir,  from  the  huge  limestone  rock  which  rises  abruptly 
from  the  river  and  slopes  gradually  toward  the  land.  Crown- 
ing the  summit  are  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  castle,  said  to  have 
been  built  by  Milo  de  Cogan  in  the  reign  of  King  John. 
Being  deemed  impregnable  it  was  long  the  boast  of  its  own- 
ers; but  in  1568  it  was  captured  by  the  Lord  Deputy  Sidney 
from  James  Fitzmaurice,  after  an  obstinate  resistance.  Popu- 
lar tradition  ascribes  its  demolition  a  few  years  later  to  the 
rage  of  one  of  the  MacDonalds,  who,  hearing  that  his  daugh- 
ter was  ill-treated  by  her  husband,  the  lord  of  the  castle, 
beleagured  the  place  at  the  head  of  his  vassals,  and,  having 
captured  it,  reduced  it  to  a  ruin. 

When  the  territory  of  the  Desmonds  was  divided,  Carriga- 
line  fell  to  the  share  of  Sir  Warham  St.  Leger,  who,  on  June 
17,  1595.  had  a  grant  of  it,  together  with  other  adjacent  lands 
and  the  fishing  privileges  at  Croshaven  and  Awneldie.  On 
March  31,  1613,  St.  Leger  sold  the  castle  and  manor  of  Carri- 
galine,  with  most  of  the  lands  and  the  fishing  at  Croshaven, 
to  Thomas  Petley,  who,  three  years  later,  conveyed  them  to 
Daniel  Gookin.  Daniel  thus  became  the  holder  immediately 
under  the  chief  lord  of  the  fee,  the  crown.  He  also  acquired 
the  lease  held  by  Thomas  Petley's  brother  John,  as  is  shown 
by  the  Crown  Receipt  Book  for  1622 :2 

13  Nov.  1622. 

Recept.  de  Danielo  Gookin,  gener',  assign'  Johannis  Petley,  tenent' 
Castell'  et  terr'  de  Carrigleyne  alias  Bever,  iacen'  in  Com'  Corck  ad  ,£10. 
13s  4d  per  ann'  ex  s'  parcell'  Signior'  de  Carrigleyne  pro  redd'  inde  pro 
uno  anno  finit'  ut  Supra  £10.  13.  4. 

Recept.  De  eod.  tenem'  un'  mercat'  et  un'  fer'  apud  Carrigeline 
iacen'  in  Comit'  Corcke  ad  xiii9  ivd  per  ann.  tenen'  piscacon'  de  Cros- 

1Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  i,  302. 

2 Irish  Record  Office,  I  E  4,  xxxviii,  96. 


32  CLASH  WITH  LORD  CORK 

haven  pareell'  terr'  dui  Reg'  spectan'  in  iure  Corona  Sue,  iacen'  in  Comit 
predict'  ad  xiii8  4d  per  Ann,  pro  Uno  Anno  finit'  ut  supra.1     Xxvi8  8d. 

Shortly  after  he  made  this  purchase  Daniel  removed  to  the 
manor  house  at  Carrigaline  with  his  family.  He  was  not  long 
permitted  to  remain  in  undisputed  possession.  Under  date  of 
September  19,  1617,  the  following  entry  appears  in  the  diary 
of  Richard  Boyle,  the  first  Earl  of  Cork:2 

Mr  Danyell  gookin,  John  his  man,  Wm  M'Danyell,  Wm  Ayres  and 
Mr  Anthony  Sowthall  entered  on  my  glebeland  of  Carrickeleyn  with  force 
and  armes,  and  took  violently  away  the  4th  sheaf  of  that  pareell  of  glebe- 
land  rent  6  acres,  which  land  my  tennant  Mr  Petley  did  let  unto  Donnogh 
o  fflyn,  who  plowed  &  sewed  the  land:  Mr  Berk  and  Mr  brickhed  wit- 
nesses thereof. 

Ciiij  Xvj  sheafs  of  Barly  for  the  4th  sheaf  19th  of  September,  161 7. 

This  seizure  by  Daniel  was  the  assertion  of  superior  title 
to  the  lands  as  against  the  claim  of  ownership  made  by  Boyle, 
no  doubt  in  consequence  of  a  transaction  recorded  by  him  two 
months  earlier  when,  on  July  19,  1617,  he  wrote  in  his  diary: 

I  dealt  with  Sir  Warham  St.  Leger,  for  his  whole  state  of  his  grand- 
father's seignory  of  Carrickeleyne,  for  which  I  gave  him  20  beeves  to 
revictuall  his  ship,  uppon  sealing  of  my  conveighance,  and  I  am  bownd  to 
give  him  thordre  of  twoe  bonds  for  any  such  Lands  as  I  shall  receav  in 
his  right,  by  virtue  of  the  deeds  he  now  made  me. 

Boyle,  who  had  been  created  Baron  Youghal  in  September 
of  the  preceding  year,  was  then  easily  the  most  powerful  man  in 
Munster.  Whatever  Daniel  Gookin  may  have  thought  about 
the  younger  St.  Leger's  good  faith,  or  of  his  right  to  make  the 
conveyance,  it  was  evident  that  Boyle  had  set  his  heart  upon 
possessing  Carrigaline,  so  Daniel  decided  that  it  was  wiser  to 
enter  into  an  accommodation  with  him  than  to  oppose  him. 

1 13   Nov.  1622. 

Received  from  Daniel  Gookin,  gentleman,  assignee  of  John  Petley,  tenant  of 
the  Castle  and  lands  of  Carrigleyne,  alias  Bever,  lying  in  the  County  of  Cork,  at 
,£10.  13.  4  per  annum,  from  several  parcels  of  the  seignory  of  Carrigleyne,  for  the 
rent  thereof  for  one  year  ended  as  above.     ^10.  13.  4. 

Received  from  the  same  tenant  of  a  Market  and  a  Fair  at  Carrigleyne,  lying  in 
the  County  of  Cork,  at  13s.  4d.  per  annum  ;  tenant  of  the  Fishery  at  Croshaven,  part 
of  the  lands  of  our  Lord  the  King  in  right  of  his  crown,  lying  in  the  County  of 
Cork  aforesaid,  at  13s.  4d.  for  one  year  ended  as  above.     XxviJ.  8d. 

2Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  i,  166. 


SALE  OF  CARRIGALINE  33 

This  was  effected  at  Dublin,  in  February  or  March,  1618. 
Daniel  agreed  to  sell  the  manor  to  Boyle  for  ^1250  sterling 
and  a  lease  of  the  premises  for  twenty-two  years  at  the  favor- 
able rental  of  ,£100  per  annum.    Boyle  relates  in  his  diary:1 

2  April,  1618. 

I  Paid  Mr  Gookyn  Vjn  to  make  up  the  44''  I  paid  him  in  gold  at 
Dublin  50",  being  in  part  payment  of  the  1250'*  ster:  I  am  to  paie  him 
at  Mydsomer  next  of  the  purchaze  of  Carrickelyne. 

22  May,  1618. 

I  paid  Mr  Gookin  one  other  C11  ster:  which  makes  me  15011  of  the 
1250''  I  am  to  paie  for  carryckeleyn. 

24  June  1618. 

1  paid  Mr  gookin  twelv  hundreth  and  ffyftie  pounds  of  ster:  for  the 
purchaze  of  carrickeleyn,  whereof  all  in  reddy  money  except  fowr  skoar 
three  pounds  X"  which  Mr  Cleyton  had  of  myne  in  keeping,  which  by 
my  letter  I  appointed  him  to  pay  Mr  gookin  to  make  up  his  12501'  ster; 
which  he  receaved.2 

2  July  1618. 

I  rodd  to  carrickeleyne,  where  owld  Mr  John  gookin  sealed  &  per- 
fected (as  his  son  daniell,  upon  my  payment  to  him  of  1250"  ster:  had 
formerly  don)  my  deed  of  bargayn  and  sale  of  the  Mannor  of  Carrick- 
eleyn, and  a  bond  of  2500"  ster:  for  performance  of  covenants,  and  this 
daie  Ja :  daunt  of  Tracton  as  their  Attorney  delivired  me  seizen  &  also 
full  and  peaceable  possession  of  the  same. 

Boyle  was  keenly  alive  to  the  importance  of  a  perfect  title. 
Continuing  the  foregoing  entry  he  added: 

This  daie  Mr  David  Terry  fitz  Edmond  of  Corck,  gent,  perfected  his 
deed  to  me  at  Carrickeleyn,  thereby  conveighing  and  releasing  to  me  all  his 
estate  &  demaund  in  the  mannor  of  Bever  alias  carrickeleyn,  and  the  Rent 
he  pretended  out  of  the  Same. 

This  shows  that,  notwithstanding  the  St.  Leger  grant,  Boyle 
thought  it  prudent  to  get  rid  of  the  claim  of  the  former  Irish 
proprietor.     On  July  13,  1618,  he  recorded: 

I  signed  and  perfected  Mr  gookins  his  lease  of  carrickelyne. 

It  may  well  be  that  one  of  the  reasons  that  impelled  Daniel 
to  sell  the  Carrigaline  estate  was  his  desire  to  free  his  capital 
for  the  transatlantic  ventures  upon  which  he  shortly  afterward 

1  Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  i,  182. 

2  Ibid.  194. 


34  DETAILS  FROM  CORK'S  DIARY 

embarked  and  through  which  he  became  distinguished  in  the 
annals  of  early  American  colonization.  The  same  spirit  of 
enterprise  that  took  him  to  Ireland,  as  an  adventurer  of  land, 
led  him  to  become  a  shareholder  in  the  Virginia  Company,  and 
in  most,  if  not  all  of  the  colonial  undertakings  of  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges.  Possibly  it  was  business  of  that  nature  that 
called  him  to  England  in  the  summer  of  1618.  He  was  back 
in  Ireland  by  November,  for  on  the  7th  of  that  month  Lord 
Cork  wrote  in  his  diary: 

I  promised  to  allow  Mr  Danyell  gookin  his  Michas  rent  of  50"  ster. 
due  for  carrickelyne  in  lieu  of  5011  he  lent  my  lo.  Barry1  in  England.2 

Again  on  December  18, 1618,  Lord  Cork  records: 

Paid  Mr  dannell  gookin  40H  that  my  mother  borrowed  of  him  which 
my  mother3  is  to  repay  me;  which  she  did.4 

On  March  15, 1618/9,  Daniel,  "having  money  by  him,"  as 
he  expressed  it  in  a  later  reference  to  the  transaction,  lent 
sixty  pounds  to  Jordon  Condon  of  Shannagarry,  county  Cork, 
and  took  from  him,  his  father  Richard  Condon,  and  David 
Power  of  Shannagarry,  a  bond  conditioned  for  the  delivery  of 
ninety  fat  cows  in  October  following. 

Whether  the  conveyance  to  Lord  Cork  in  July,  1618,  was 
defective,  or  whether  a  fine  could  not  then  be  acknowledged, 
does  not  appear,  but  on  March  26,  1619,  Cork  made  the  fol- 
lowing entry  in  his  diary: 

Mr  Daniell  gookin  of  Carrickeleyn  and  Mary  his  wife  before  my  lo: 
Sarsfeyld  acknowledged  a  ffyne  to  me  of  Carrickeleyn,  and  theruppon  I 
made  him  a  new  lease  thereof  for  21  yeares  delivered.5 

On  April  24,  1619,  "Daniel  Gookin,  gent.,"  was  appointed 
a  member  of  a  commission  to  examine  into  the  alleged  mis- 
demeanors of  one  Edmond  Hunt,  the  King's  Customer  for 

1  David  Viscount  Butevant,  then  Lord  Cork's  ward;  later  by  marriage  with  Boyle's 
eldest  daughter,  the  Lady  Alice,  he  became  his  son-in-law. 

2Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  i,  204. 

3  His  mother-in-law,  Lady  Alice  Fenton,  wife  of  Sir  Geoffrey  Fenton,  Knt, 
principal  Secretary  of  State  and  Privy  Counsellor  in  Ireland. 

4Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  i,  206. 

5  Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  i,  213.  Still  later,  April  23,  1620,  Cork  wrote,  I  sent 
my  Cozen  Lawrence  parsons  ...  to  sue  out  my  ffyne  of  Carrickelyne  from  Mr. 
Petley  &  Mr  gookin.     Ibid.,  247, 


THE  LONGFORD  PLANTATION  35 

the  port  and  harbor  of  Cork,  who  was  charged  with  having 
"committed  divers  abuses  .  .  .  against  his  Majesty  and  griev- 
ous exactions  against  his  subjects."1  This,  so  far  as  is  known, 
was  Daniel's  only  public  employment.  The  next  entry  relat- 
ing to  him  in  Lord  Cork's  diary  is  dated  October  24, 1619: 

I  lent  my  mother  40"  ster :  which  she  delivered  to  Mr  gookin  in  loan, 
and  she  is  to  give  Mr  Lawrence  parsons  order  to  repaie  me  this  401'  next 
tearm  out  of  her  Michas  Rents.2 

Condon  had  not  repaid  his  loan,  nor  delivered  the  ninety 
fat  cows,  and  Daniel's  supply  of  ready  money  had  given  out. 
More  than  twelve  years  elapsed  before  he  succeeded  in  recov- 
ering from  Condon's  bondsmen,  and  then  in  part  only,  for 
among  his  effects  inventoried  after  his  decease  was  a  bond  of 
William  Power  of  Shannagarry  for  forty  pounds,  accounted 
worthless. 

About  the  time  the  forty  pounds  were  borrowed  from 
Lady  Fenton,  Daniel  Gookin  took  part  in  the  plantation  of  the 
county  of  Longford,  which  was  begun  in  1617.3  This  planta- 
tion was  in  pursuance  of  the  king's  policy  of  " reducing  Ire- 
land into  order  and  subjection."  The  methods  pursued  were 
high-handed  in  the  extreme.  The  ancient  proprietorship  of 
Irish  lands  by  English  lords  and  gentlemen  who  were  driven 
out  of  the  country  by  the  Irish  during  the  Barons'  wars  and 
the  long  struggle  between  the  rival  houses  of  York  and  Lan- 
caster, was  made  a  pretext  for  a  commission  of  inquiry  into  the 
title  which  the  crown  might  assert,  with  the  result  that  a  gen- 
eral title  was  found  for  the  king.  It  was  given  out  that  His 
Majesty  had  only  in  mind  the  security  and  general  good  of 
the  kingdom,  to  further  which  it  was  important  that  the  Irish 
should  be  "reduced"  from  their  "lazy,  vagabond,  and  barba- 
rous way  of  living"  and  be  effectually  restrained  "from  prey- 
ing on  other  men's  properties."  But,  as  Carte  observes,  "the 
instructions  he  gave  and  the  regulations  he  prescribed  were 
not  in  all  cases  so  exactly  observed  as  they  ought."  In  Long- 
ford particularly,  though  the  king  had  intended  that  no  man 

'Cal.  S.  P.  Ireland,  1615-1625,  iii,  289. 
2Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  i,  233. 
3  Carte's  Life  of  Ormond,  i,  23. 


36  GRIEF  OF  THE  IRISH  PROPRIETORS 

should  be  divested  of  his  possessions  without  being  given  an 
equivalent,  the  Irish  proprietors  were  ruthlessly  stripped  of 
them,  scarce  a  third  part  of  their  former  holdings,  either  in 
acreage  or  quality  of  soil,  being  allotted  them.  The  grief  of 
these  unfortunates  over  the  loss  of  their  ancestral  estates  is 
graphically  set  forth  in  a  petition  addressed  "To  the  Right 
Honble  the  Commiss"  authorized  by  His  Matie  to  hear  the 
Grievances  of  Ireland,"  in  which  it  is  stated: 

It  fell  out  so  that  divers  of  the  poor  Natives  or  former  freeholders  of 
that  County  after  the  loss  of  all  their  possessions  or  inheritances  there, 
Some  runn  madd  and  others  died  instantly  for  very  grief;  as  one  James 
McWilliam  O'Ferrall  of  Cuilleagh,  and  others  whose  names  for  brevitie 
I  leave  out  who  in  their  death-bedds  were  in  such  a  taking  that  by  earnest 
persuasions  Caused  some  of  their  family  and  friends  to  bring  them  out  of 
their  bedds  to  have  abroad  the  last  sight  of  the  hills  and  fields  they  lost  in 
the  said  Plantation,  every  one  of  them  dying  instantly  after.1 

To  Daniel  Gookin's  credit  be  it  said  that  he  had  no  per- 
sonal part  in  despoiling  the  Irish  proprietors.  Though  it  was 
one  of  the  conditions  upon  which  the  large  grants  of  land  in 
Ireland  were  made  to  English  gentlemen,  by  Queen  Elizabeth 
and  King  James  I,  that  the  grantees  should  bring  over  natives 
of  England  to  inhabit,  in  1620  only  one  planter  was  resident 
on  the  Longford  lands.  Daniel  Gookin  never  settled  there, 
but  on  the  contrary  sold  his  grant  immediately  and  took  out 
his  patent  afterward  to  complete  his  legal  title  to  the  purchaser. 
In  a  survey  of  Longford  by  the  commissioners  of  the  crown, 
dated  April  5, 1620,  it  is  recited: 

In  the  County  of  Longford  there  are  33  undertakers  to  whom  His 
Majesty  hath  assigned  several  proportions  of  Land,  the  state  of  which 
Plantation  followeth.  .  .  .  4th,  Daniel  Gookin  500  A.  This  is  sold  to 
Mr.  Edgeworth  who  hath  besides  a  Proportion  of  300  A  as  an  undertaker; 
and  could  not  buy  this  without  special  License  which  he  hath  obtained 
under  great  seal.2 

The  grant  to  Daniel  Gookin  was  dated  June  10,  i62i,and 
is  recorded  in  the  Patent  Rolls  of  Chancery  for  19  James  i.3 

1  Harris  MSS.,  Royal  Dublin  Soc,  ii,  68. 
-  Harris  MSS. 

3  The  text  of  the  grant  is:  "Grant  to  Daniel  Gookin  in  the  C°  of  Longford. 
The  lands  of  Coolermerigan  26  acres;  Killenawse  and  Garrynegree  48  acres;  Ros- 


SALE  TO  EDGEWORTH  37 

Daniel's  deed  to  Edgeworth,  which  is  recorded  on  the  same 
roll,  was  dated  July  16,  i62i,and  recited  that  "having  obtained 
the  King's  license  to  alienate"  the  lands,  he  did  so  "in  consid- 
eration of  the  sum  of  ^350."  Some  interest  attaches  to  this 
transaction  from  the  fact  that  Francis  Edgeworth,  the  purcha- 
ser, was  the  ancestor  of  Rev.  Lovel  Edgeworth,  father  of  Maria 
Edgeworth  the  novelist,  and  that  the  tract  of  land  is  now  the 
site  of  Edgeworthstown. 

semyne,  Lisduffe  and  Garriduff  78  acres  pasture  and  29  acres  bog  and  wood;  Lisse- 
magunen  96  acres;  Lissard  and  Carribolum  101  acres;  Shiroeand  Kilderin  61  acres; 
Bragwie  90  acres  pasture  and  40  acres  bog  and  wood,  adjacent  to  the  lands  of  Lisma- 
gunen,  in  the  territory  of  Ely  O'Carroll:  rent  for  500  acres  pasture  ^6-5-0  English 
currency,  and  for  69  acres  of  bog  and  wood,  2/.  10/.  2d.,  To  hold  in  free  and  common 
soccage,  subject  to  the  conditions  of  the  Plantations  of  Longford;  Viz. 

To  allow  of  wood  for  building  of  houses  on  the  premises  and  sand  and  slates 
during  the  period  of  three  years  from  date  of  the  grant:  — 

To  cause  his  several  tenants  in  feefarm  or  for  term  of  life  or  lives  or  years  in  fee 
tail  to  build  in  town-redes  (and  not  dispersedly)  for  defence, —  and  to  exact  a  fine  of 
^5-0-0  per  ann.  for  every  house  built  apart. 

To  sew  or  plant  one  Acre  with  hemp  for  every  500  acres  in  his  possess"  under 
pain  of  20s.  for  every  year's  neglect. 

To  be  personally  resident  for  the  greater  part  of  every  year  upon  the  premises 
unless  licensed  to  absent  himself  by  the  Lord  Deputy, —  and  in  that  case  to  leave  a 
sufficient  Agent. 

Lastly, —  to  render  yearly  to  the  Lord  Deputy  the  prime  bird  out  of  every  eyrey 
of  Great  Hawks  that  shall  build  in  his  woods." 

Another  grant  covering  identically  the  same  lands,  though  with  slight  differences 
in  spelling,  was  recorded  on  July  15  of  the  same  year. 


11 

CHAPTER  IV 

N  the  year  1620  Daniel  Gookin  projected  an 
enterprise  that  was  destined  to  have  far-reach- 
ing influence  upon  the  history  of  his  descend- 
ants,— that  of  transporting  cattle  to  the  colony 
of  Virginia,  and  of  founding  a  plantation  in  that 
distant  land.  The  records  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany contain  the  following  entry,  under  date  of 
November  13,  1620. 

Wheras  vppon  a  former  treatie1  had  w,h  mr  Wood  in  the  behalfe  of 
Mr  Gookin  for  transportacon  of  Cattle  outt  of  Ireland  into  Virginia  an 
offer  was  made  vnto  him  after  the  rate  of  x1' :  a  Cowe  vppon  certificate  of 
their  saffe  landinge.  Provided  they  were  fayr  and  lardge  Cattle  and  of  our 
English  breed.  The  said  mr  Wood  hath  now  returned  his  fynall  aunswere 
that  hee  cannott  entertaine  the  bargaine  under  xij11  the  Cowe  without 
exceedinge  great  losse. 

The  answer  was  not,  however,  quite  final,  as  appears  from 
the  minutes  of  the  Quarter  Court,  held  two  days  later. 

Thomas  Wood  beinge  now  willinge  (though  hee  conceived  itt  a  hard 
bargaine)  to  accept  of  the  offer  of  the  former  Courte,  wch  was  that  for  everie 
Cowe  of  our  English  breed  transported  by  him  or  his  Agents  safe  and 
sound  to  Virginia  hee  should  be  paide  Eleuen  pounde  and  for  every  Shee 
Goate  three  pounds  tenn  shillings,  vppon  certificate  att  his  returne  from 
the  Gouernor  there;  Hee  moved  therfore  now  that  hee  might  have  some 
assurance  vnder  the  Companies  Seale  for  the  payment  of  the  said  Monny 
whervppo  the  Courte  ordered  that  accordinge  to  his  request  hee  should 
have  his  securitie  confirmed  vnder  the  Seale  of  the  Company  for  weh  they 
gave  order  to  mr  Deputy  to  see  itt  done. 

xThe  minutes  of  the  meetings  contain  no  record  of  this  earlier  negotiation. 

38 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  VIRGINIA  COMPANY    39 

The  company  at  this  period  was  making  a  strong  effort  to 
secure  colonists,  and  in  April  of  the  following  year  Daniel 
Gookin's  friend,  Captain  William  Newce  of  Bandon,  who  had 
achieved  some  success  in  settling  Englishmen  in  Munster,  hav- 
ing built  up  a  suburb  of  Bandon,  known  as  Newce's  Town, 
came  forward  with  an  offer  "to  transport  at  his  own  costs  and 
charges  1000  persons  into  Virginia  betwixt  this  and  midsomer 
1625 :  to  be  there  planted  and  imployed  vpon  aperticular  Plan- 
tacon."  This  offer  was  received  with  enthusiasm;  the  company 
readily  granted  him  his  request  for  a  patent  "as  ample  as  any 
other,  wth  all  manner  of  priuilidges,  saving  the  Tytle  of  Gen- 
erall,  wch  they  could  not  graunt  him,"  and  constituted  him  Mar- 
shall of  the  colony,  though  there  was  "no  present  necessity  or 
vse  of  such  an  officer  in  Virginia";  and  the  king  conferred 
upon  him  the  order  of  knighthood. 

Stirred  by  these  proceedings  Daniel  Gookin  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  Deputy,  John  Ferrar.  At  an  Extraordinary  Court, 
held  July  2,  1621 : 

Mr  Deputy  signified  of  a  letter  hee  had  receaved  from  mr  Gookin  of 
Ireland  who  desyred  y*  a  Clause  in  the  Contract  between  him  and  the 
Company  touchinge  Cattle  wch  hee  had  vndertaken  to  transport  to  Vir- 
ginia after  the  rate  of  eleven  pounds  the  Heitfer  and  Shee  Goats  att  31': 
10s  apeec  for  wch  hee  might  take  any  Comodities  in  Virginia  att  such 
prizes  as  the  Company  here  had  sett  downe  hee  desired  yl  those  words 
might  be  more  Cleerly  explayned;  And  to  this  effect  mr  Deputy  sig- 
nified y*  they  had  drawne  a  letter  in  the  name  of  the  Counsell  and 
Company  vnto  mr  Gookin  declaringe  that  their  intent  and  meaninge  was 
itt  should  be  lawful!  and  ffree  for  him  and  his  ffacto™  to  Trade  barter  and 
sell  all  such  Comodities  hee  shall  carry  thither  att  such  rates  and  prizes 
as  hee  shall  thinke  good  and  for  his  Cattle  shall  receive  either  of  the 
Gouernor  or  other  pryvate  psonns  any  of  the  Comodities  there  growinge 
att  such  prizes  as  he  cann  agree;  And  lastly  yl  accordinge  to  mr  Gookins 
request  in  his  said  Ire  they  had  promised  y*  hee  should  have  a  Pattent 
for  a  pticularr  Plantacon  as  large  as  y*  graunted  to  Sr  William  Newce  and 
should  allso  have  liberty  to  take  ioo  Hoggs  out  of  the  fforrest  vppon 
condicon  that  hee  repay  the  said  nomber  againe  vnto  the  Company  within 
the  tearme  of  seaven  years;  Provided  that  hee  vse  them  for  breed  and 
encrease  and  not  for  present  slaughter. 

And  further  to  this  effect  they  had  allso  drawne  a  letter  to  the  Gouer- 
nor and  Counsell  of  State  in  Virginia  both  wch  beinge  now  p'sented  and 
read  the  Court  did  very  well  approve  of  and  gave  order  that  the  Seale  of 


4o  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 

the  Counsell  should  be  affixed  to  that  addressed  to  mr  Gookin  and  that 
some  of  ye  Counsell  should  signe  the  other  to  the  Counsell  of  Virginia.1 

On  the  twelfth  of  the  next  month,  August,  1621,  seven  mem- 
bers of  the  Council  signed  a  letter  to  the  colonial  authorities, 
which  was  sent  by  the  ship  "Marmaduke,"  and  contained  the 
following  paragraph: 

Wee  send  you  againe  copies  of  the  letters  and  agreements  with  Mr. 
Gookin  and  recomend  his  good  entertainment  to  you,  and  in  particuler  we 
seriously  advise  that  you  do  your  best  endevors  to  pay  him  in  tobacco 
though  at  one  D  waight  the  cow,  and  to  take  as  few  cows  as  possible  may 
be  uppon  mony  heare  to  be  paid  by  the  company ;  because  our  stocke  is 
utterly  wasted;  let  him  have  very  good  tobacco  for  his  cowes  now  at  his 
first  voiadge,  for  if  he  make  a  good  return  it  may  be  the  occasion  of  a 
trade  with  you  from  those  parts,  whereby  you  may  be  abundantly  supplied, 
not  only  with  cattle,  but  with  the  most  of  these  commodities  that  you 
want  att  better  and  easier  rate  than  we  from  hence  shalbe  able.2 

Shortly  after  this  letter  was  dispatched  Daniel  Gookin  set 
sail  for  Virginia  in  "The  Flyinge  Harte, "  which  he  had  char- 
tered for  the  voyage.  This  voyage  was  in  sharp  contrast  to 
that  of  Sir  William  Newce,  who  preceded  Daniel  by  about  a 
month,  and,  arriving  at  his  destination  in  October,  accom- 
panied by  "very  few  people,  sicklie,  ragged  and  altogether 
w'thout  p'visione,  "3  died  suddenly  a  few  days  after  landing. 
Far  different  is  the  tale  of  Daniel  Gookin's  arrival,  as  told  by 
Governor  Wyatt  and  his  council,  in  a  letter  written  in  Jan- 
uary, 1621/2,  to  the  Company  in  London. 

There  arriued  heere  about  the  22th  of  Nouember  a  shipp  from  Mr 
Gookin  out  of  Ireland  wholy  vppon  his  owne  Adventure,  withoute  any  rela- 
tione at  all  to  his  contract  wth  you  in  England,  wch  was  soe  well  furnished 
with  all  sorts  of  p'visione,  as  well  as  with  Cattle  as  wee  could  wyshe  all 
men  would  follow  theire  example,  hee  hath  also  brought  with  him  aboute 
50  men  upon  that  Aduenture,  besides  some  30  other  Passengers,  wee  haue 
Accordinge  to  their  desire  seated  them  at  Newports  news,  and  we  doe 
conceiue  great  hope  yff  the  Irish  Plantation  paper  y*  frome  Ireland  greate 
mulititude  of  People  wilbe  like  to  come  hither. 


1  Records  of  the  Virginia  Co.,  i,  501-502. 

2  Neill.     The  Virginia  Co.,  p.  240. 

3  Gov.  Wyatt  to  the  Company.     Neill,  Virginia  Co.,  p.  374. 


ARRIVAL  AT  NEWPORT  NEWS  41 

Mr  Pountis  hath  had  some  conference  with  ye  Mr  of  the  Irish  shipp  a 
Dutchman,  whose  name  ys  Cornelius  Johnson  of  Home  in  Hollande,  who 
who  is  soe  farr  in  love  with  this  Countrey  as  he  intendeth  to  return  hither; 
within  this  Twelve  moneth,  and  of  him  selfe  offered  to  p'cure  and  bringe 
ouer  a  fitt  mr  workman  to  build  Sawinge  mills  heere  wch  shall  goe  with 
the  winde.1 

Daniel's  arrival  was  chronicled  also  by  Captain  John  Smith 
in  his  "Generall  Historie  of  Virginia."2 

1621 — The  22d  of  November  arrived  Master  Gookin  out  of  Ireland, 
with  fiftie  men  of  his  owne  and  thirtie  Passengers,  exceedingly  well  fur- 
nished with  all  sorts  of  Provision  and  cattle  and  planted  himself  at  Nupors- 
Newes.  The  cotton  in  a  yeere  grew  so  thick  as  one's  arme,  and  so  high 
as  a  man:  here  anything  that  is  planted  doth  prosper  so  well  as  in  no 
place  better. 

The  day  before  Daniel  landed  in  Virginia  the  Company  in 
London  held  a  meeting  at  which 

Mr  Deputy  gaue  notice  of  nine  Patents  nowe  presented  in  Court  to 
passe  the  seale  of  the  Companie  hauinge  been  perticulerly  examined  by 
the  mornings  Court  wcb  did  approue  of  them  wcb  Patents  were  of  Two 
sorts  the  one  of  such  as  were  Aduenturers  by  moneys  paid  into  the  Treas- 
ury for  \vcb  they  had  allowed  100  acres  of  land  for  euery  single  share  of 
Twelue  pounds  Ten  shillings  the  other  beinge  for  Planters  only  who  had 
allowed  fifty  acres  for  euery  person  transported  to  Virginia:  Accordinge 
to  wch  two  formes  the  said  Patents  were  drawne  and  accordingly  engrossed 
ready  for  the  Seale. 

Among  these  patents  was  one  "To  Daniell  Gookin  of 
Corke,  in  Ireland,  x°  300  psons." 

When,  in  March,  1622,  the  news  of  Daniel's  safe  arrival  in 
Virginia  reached  London,  it  was  hailed  with  joy.  At  a  meet- 
ing of  the  Virginia  Company,  held  on  March  thirteenth: 

Mr  Deputy  signified  that  he  had  receaued  of  late  certaine  intelligence 
that  mr  Gookins  Shippe  was  arriued  in  Virginia  with  40  younge  Cattle 
well  and  safely  landed,  he  therefore  moued  that  forasmuch  as  diuers 
others  might  be  much  encouraged  vpon  this  good  newes  to  transport 
Cattle  out  of  Ireland  thither  vpon  reasonable  condicons,  that  a  Ire  might 
be  writt  to  mr  Gookin  by  way  of  offer  that  if  any  should  be  pleased  to 
vndertake  the  like  performance  they  shall  haue  for  euery  Heifer  safely 
deliuered  in  Virginia  100  waigt  of  good  marchantable  Tobacco  wch  mocon 

1  Neill's  Virginia  Co.,  pp.  285,  286. 

2  London  1624,  p.  140. 


42  THE  INDIAN  MASSACRE 

was  well  approued  of  and  order  giuen  for  a  letter  to  be  drawne  to  y' 
effect.1 

Evidently  the  price  of  eleven  pounds  per  head  for  heifers, 
specified  in  the  contract  with  Daniel  Gookin,  was  not  so  greatly 
to  his  disadvantage  as  his  agent  contended  while  the  negotia- 
tions were  pending,  for,  at  a  court  held  on  October  24,  162 1, 
"Notice  was  allso  given  that  ther  were  certaine  sufficient  men 
come  out  of  Ireland  who  would  vndertake  to  transports  manny 
hundreds  of  Cattle  to  Virginia  this  Springe  vppon  the  same 
Condicons  that  mr  Gookin  had  donne."2  And  again,  at  a  court 
held  on  April  3,  1622: 

mr  Depty  signified  that  vpon  a  proposicon  formerly  made,  vpon  the 
good  successe  it  pleased  God  to  giue  mr  Gookin  this  last  Sumer  in 
transportinge  his  people  and  cattle  safely  to  Virginia  certen  gentlemen  of 
Ireland  nowe  in  Towne  beinge  much  encouraged  and  not  able  to  stay  till 
next  yeare  made  an  offer  to  vndertake  the  like  performance  as  mr  Gookin 
had  donn,  so  they  might  knowe  and  be  assured  aforehand  at  what  rates 
they  should  be  able  to  put  of  their  Cattle  in  Virginia  at  their  cominge 
there  wch  offer  the  Court  takinge  into  consideracon  did  at  length  agree 
for  that  the  better  encouragement  of  such  vndertakers  they  should  haue 
for  euery  Heifer  of  our  right  English  breed  of  twoe  years  old  and  vpwards 
deliuered  safe  and  sound  in  Virginia  allowed  them  there  either  130  waight 
of  Tobacco  or  nu  in  money  at  their  eleccon  for  wch  they  should  haue  the 
Companies  Seale  for  their  security.3 

On  March  22,  1621/2,  just  four  months  to  a  day  after 
Daniel  Gookin  first  placed  foot  upon  the  soil  of  Virginia,  the 
great  massacre  by  the  savages  took  place,  when,  out  of  a  total  of 
about  four  thousand  settlers  then  in  the  colony,  three  hundred 
and  forty-seven  were  slain.  "This  lamentable  and  so  unex- 
pected disaster,"  says  Captain  John  Smith,  "drave  them  all  to 
their  wits'  end.  It  was  twenty  or  thirty  daies  ere  they  could 
resolve  what  to  doe:  but  at  last  it  was  concluded  all  the  petty 
Plantations  should  be  abandoned,  and  drawne  only  to  make 
good  five  or  six  places.  Now  for  want  of  boats  it  was  impos- 
sible on  such  a  sudden  to  bring  also  their  Cattle  and  many 
other  things,  which  they  had  then  in  possession,  all  of  which 

1  Records  of  the  Virginia  Co.,  i,  618. 

2  Records  of  the  Virginia  Co.,  i,  535. 

3  Records  of  the  Virginia  Co.,  i,  626. 


RETURN  TO  LONDON  43 

for  the  most  part  at  their  departure,  was  burnt,  ruined,  and 
destroyed  by  the  Salvages.  Only  Master  Gookins  at  Nuport's- 
news  would  not  obey  the  Commissioners'  command  in  that, 
though  he  scarce  had  five  and  thirty  of  all  sorts  with  him,  yet 
he  thought  himself  sufficient  against  what  could  happen,  and 
so  did,  to  his  great  credit,  and  the  content  of  his  Adventurers." » 

Presumably  Daniel  and  his  people  had  not  wasted  their 
time  during  the  four  months  since  they  landed,  but  had  built 
habitations  of  some  sort,  which,  for  security,  were  surrounded 
by  palisades.  In  the  Virginia  Planters'  answer  to  "Captain 
Butler's  Informacon  concerning  the  Colony,"  which  was  writ- 
ten only  a  year  later,  it  is  stated  "ther  is  as  yett  no  other 
Artificiall  Fortificacons  then  Pallisadoes  wherof  allmost  euerie 
Plantacon  hath  one  &  diuers  of  them  hath  Trenches.  .  .  . 
As  for  great  Ordinance,  .  .  .  there  are  likewise  at  Newporte 
Newes  three,  all  of  them  servicable." 

Among  the  manuscripts  in  the  possession  of  the  Duke  of 
Manchester  is  a  letter  from  William  Hobart  to  his  father,  in 
which  it  is  stated  that  Mr.  Gookin,  at  whose  house  Governor 
Wyatt  and  his  wife  were  staying,  had  but  seven  men  left,  that 
it  was  unsafe  to  go  out  to  labour  without  an  armed  guard,  that 
there  had  been  a  second  massacre  of  between  twenty  and  thirty 
persons,  and  that  there  was  very  little  tobacco  or  coin  in  the 
colony.2  This  letter  is  without  date,  but  was  probably  written 
in  April,  1622. 

At  the  end  of  this  month,  or  early  in  May,  Daniel  Gookin 
left  the  new  plantation  in  charge  of  his  servants  and  embarked 
for  England  in  the  "Sea  Flower,"  carrying  to  the  company  in 
London  the  first  intelligence  of  the  disaster  that  had  overtaken 
the  colonists.  The  records  of  the  Virginia  Company  show 
that  he  was  in  London  and  attended  the  court  held  on  the  19th 
of  June.    Strangely  enough  no  mention  of  the  news  of  the  mas- 

^enerall  Historie,  p.  150.  The  same  account  is  given  by  Purchas,who  says: 
"Master  Gookins  at  Nuports-Nezves,  hauing  thirtie  hue  of  all  sorts  with  him  refused 
that  order  and  made  good  his  part  against  the  sauvages."  Purchas,  His  Pilgrims  ;  iv, 
1792.  In  the  same  book,  iv,  1785,  it  is  stated  that  "Master  Daniel  Gookin"  was  the 
tenth  in  a  list  of  26  patentees  to  whom  patents  were  granted  in  1620,  and  who  had 
"  Vndertaken  to  transport  great  multitudes  of  people  and  cattle  to  Virginia." 

2 Eighth  Report  Hist.  MSS.  Com.,  p.  41 


44  PATENT  APPROVED 

sacre  having  been  received  appears  upon  the  minutes;  but  that 
is  no  doubt  attributable  to  the  custom  of  recording  only  mat- 
ters upon  which  formal  action  was  taken. 

Daniel's  first  business  in  London  was  to  secure  the  fruits 
of  his  enterprise,  in  the  shape  of  a  patent  to  his  plantation. 
He  was  present  at  the  Preparative  Court  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany, held  on  July  I,  and  at  the  morning  session  of  the  Quar- 
ter Court,  held  two  days  later,  when  his  patent  was  approved 
for  confirmation  at  the  afternoon  session.1  At  this  session  was 
confirmed,  also,  Daniel's  purchase,  made  soon  after  his  arrival 
in  Virginia,  of  150  acres  of  land  "  lyinge  at  Newports  Newes."2 
It  was  perhaps  upon  this  tract  that  he  made  the  beginning  of 
his  plantation,  which  he  named  Marie's  Mount,  in  honour  of  his 
wife.  The  seignory  for  which  he  received  a  patent  was  nom- 
inally 2500  acres,  but  actually  the  tract  set  aside  to  him  contained 
only  168 1  acres  according  to  an  exact  survey  made  in  the  year 

i68s-3 

Flushed  with  the  success  that  had  attended  his  Virginia 
enterprise,  Daniel  now  decided  to  take  a  share  in  the  New 
England  Company.  The  minutes  of  the  Council  of  that  cor- 
poration recite  that  on  July  5, 1622,  "It  is  agreed  upon  that  mr 
Gookyn  shall  bee  admitted  in  ye  new  Grant  upon  payment  of 
his  adventure."  Being  still  in  London  on  July  17  he  attended 
the  court  of  the  Virginia  Company,  held  that  day,  and  was 
appointed  one  of  a  committee  of  seven  to  consider  what  course 
should  be  taken  to  preserve  from  "loss  and  imbeazellinge" 
the  goods  of  the  colonists  slain  by  the  Indians  at  the  time  of 
the  great  massacre.  Five  days  later  he  took  out  his  patent 
from  the  crown  to  the  500  acres  in  county  Longford  which  he 
had  sold  to  Francis  Edgeworth  three  years  before.  After 
this  he  was  at  last  free  to  return  to  his  home  and  family  in 
Ireland. 

Our  next  glimpse  of  Daniel  is  found  in  the  diary  of  Lord 
Cork,  where  the  following  entry  was  made  on  January  19, 
1622/3. 

1  Records  of  the  Virginia  Co.,  ii,  65,  73,  90. 

2  Ibid.,  ii,  89. 

3  Grant  to  William  Cole,  April,  1685,  recorded  in  Warwick  Co.,  Va. 


THE  SHIP  PROVIDENCE  45 

Mr  Daniell  gookin  made  Sc  perfected  vnto  me  a  generall  Release  of 
all  his  right  &  demaund  of  and  in  the  Manor  of  Bever  als  Carrickeleyn, 
for  which  (besides  what  I  paid  Sir  Warham  St.  Leger)  I  paid  Mr  Gookin 
one  thousand  two  hundreth  and  ffiftie  pounds  ster:  And  made  him  a  lease 
therof  for  22  yeares  at  Cli  per  annum.  Sc  now  in  regard  he  extinguished 
the  Lease  I  made  him  by  passing  me  a  ffyne  &  Release,  I  renewed  his 
lease  for  1 8  years  from  Michas  Last,  vppon  his  surrender  of  my  former 
lease  I  made  him,  he  promising  me  to  make  all  his  vndertenants  new 
leases  on  the  same  Rents  Sc  condicions  they  held  before:  of  this  mannor 
he  lets  owt  as  muche  as  yelds  him  clu.  ster:  a  year,  besides  the  Kings 
rent  and  my  Rent:  Sc  Keeps  the  house  Sc  660  acres  of  the  best  Land  free 
in  his  own  occupation;  which  is  ritchly  worth  one  Cu  ster:  more  per 
annum:  Mr  Thomas  petley  of  whome  Mr  gookin  purchazed  it,  hath  also 
sithens  Released  to  me  all  right  Sc  errors  in  the  ffyne.1 

As  the  purchasing  power  of  money  in  the  first  quarter  of 
the  seventeenth  century  was  for  most  purposes  from  eight  to 
ten  times  as  great  as  it  is  to-day,  it  will  be  seen  that  Daniel 
Gookin's  income  of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  a 
year  from  Carrigaline  was  a  very  comfortable  one. 

After  his  return  to  Ireland  Daniel  set  about  dispatching 
another  ship  with  planters  and  cattle  for  Virginia.  There  is 
no  evidence  that  he  made  a  second  voyage  himself.  Indeed, 
though  "The  Flyinge  Harte"  had  happily  braved  the  perils  of 
the  deep,  his  experience  in  crossing  the  Atlantic  in  a  small  ship 
bearing,  besides  the  crew,  some  eighty  passengers  and  forty 
head  of  cattle,  cannot  have  been  so  agreeable  as  to  invite  repe- 
tition unless  as  a  matter  of  necessity.2  Daniel  Gookin's  second 
venture  was  the  sending  of  the  "Providence" — which  was  per- 
haps owned  by  him  —  in  charge  of  Captain  John  Clarke  who, 
three  years  before,  had  piloted  the  Mayflower  on  her  memor- 
able voyage.3     The  arrival  of  the  Providence  at  its  destina- 

^ismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  ii,  67-68.  That  the  lease  to  Gookin  did  not  include 
all  of  Lord  Cork's  interest  in  Carrigaline  is  shown  by  another  entry  in  his  diary  on 
April  3,  1624  :  "This  daie  I  agreed  with  Mr.  Thomas  Petlei's  wife  to  make  her  a  new 
lease  in  Rivercon  for  xvij  yeares  of  the  spiritualities  of  Bever  alias  Carrickeleyn, 
encreasing  her  Rent  from  the  beginning  of  her  new  lease  she  is  to  paie  me  40  marks 
ster :  and  afterwards  cxxvj//'.  xiijj  \u]d.  ster:  per  annum,  and  defraie  &  bear  all  other 
chardges,  ordinary  and  extraordenary,  &  fynde  a  sufficient  curate."     Ibid.,  ii,  125. 

2  For  a  graphic  account  of  such  a  voyage  see  William  Capp's  letter  to  Deputy  Fer- 
rar,  printed  in  Neill's  "Virginia  Vetusta,"  p.  131. 

3 Brown.     The  Genesis  of  the  United  States,  ii,  855. 

The  minutes  of  the  Virginia  Co.  contain  this  reference  to  Clarke,  under  date  of 
February  13,  1621/2:  "Mr  Deputy  acquainted  the  Court  that  one  Mr.Jo:  Clarke 


46  A  DISTRESSING  VOYAGE 

tion,  on  April  10,  1623,  is  chronicled  by  Christopher  Davison, 
Treasurer  of  the  colony,  in  a  letter  from  "James  Cittye"  to 
Deputy  Ferrar: 

The  Margett  and  John  accounted  a  loss  ship  (after  a  long  and  tedious 
passage,  much  distressed  for  want  of  sufficient  provisions)  arrived  here 
about  the  7th  or  8th  of  Aprill :  Not  long  after  (about  the  10th  day)  the 
ship  sent  by  Mr.  Gookin  called  (I  think)  the  Providence  came  also  to 
Newport's  Newes." 

Governor  Wyatt  also  wrote  Ferrar:  "Here  are  two  Ships 
newly  come  in  the  Margarett  and  John  of  which  wee  were  in 
despayre,  and  one  from  Mr.  Gookin  with  40  men  for  him  and 
30  passengers  besides:  the  first  is  in  great  distress  for  provi- 
sion and  like  to  be  burdensome  to  the  Countrey  for  that:  the 
other  very  scant  also,  both  having  been  long  out,  and  suffered 
extreamly  in  their  passage."  And  at  the  meeting  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Company  on  November  19,  1623,  the  Deputy  presented 
a  list  of  ships  that  "traded  in  Virginia  this  Summer,"  among 
them  "Mr  Gookin's  ship — 080:  Tunns." 

So  far  as  we  know  this  second  ship  was  the  last  that  Dan- 
iel Gookin  sent  to  Virginia.  The  venture  could  hardly  have 
been  a  profitable  one.  If,  as  is  most  likely,  he  brought  back 
a  cargo  of  tobacco,  he  may  have  had  to  dispose  of  it  at  a 
heavy  loss,  for  in  1623  the  London  market  was  overstocked 
with  that  commodity.  But  aside  from  this  the  promised  rec- 
ompense for  transporting  seventy  colonists  in  the  Providence 
was  not  forthcoming.  Because  of  the  difficulties  in  which  the 
Virginia  Company  was  involved  in  the  latter  part  of  1623,  and 
which  resulted  in  the  abrogation  of  its  charter  a  few  months 
later,  the  patent  for  the  land  to  which  Daniel  was  entitled  could 
not  be  issued.  This,  as  may  be  imagined,  was  a  grievous 
disappointment.     Not  until  February  25,  1634/5  — two  Years 

beinge  taken  from  Virginia  long  since  by  a  Spanish  Shippe  that  came  to  discouer  that 
Plantation.  That  forasmuch  as  he  hath  since  that  time  donn  the  companie  good 
seruice  in  many  voyages  to  Virginia,  he  was  an  humble  suitor  to  this  court,  that  he 
might  be  admitted  a  free  brother  of  the  Companie,  and  have  some  shares  of  land 
bestowed  upon  him."  He  was  admitted  and  given  two  shares.  Clarke  was  born 
about  1576  and  was  a  pilot  by  profession.  He  sailed  for  Virginia  with  Dale  in  1611, 
and  at  Point  Comfort,  in  the  summer  of  that  year,  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Span- 
iards and  held  until  about  1616.  He  died  in  Virginia  soon  after  his  arrival  there  in 
the  Providence. 


SERVANTS  AT  MARIES  MOUNT 


47 


after  Daniel's  decease  —  did  the  Council  of  State  for  Virginia 
authorize  the  issuance  of  the  patent,  and  it  was  almost  three 
years  later  before  it  was  actually  executed  and  delivered  to 
his  son. 

Thus,  it  will  be  seen,  a  considerable  part  of  Daniel  Gook- 
ins'  capital  was  either  tied  up  in  this  claim,  or  had  found  its 
way  into  the  plantation  at  Marie's  Mount.  Upon  this  planta- 
tion he  maintained  a  considerable  number  of  servants.  The 
muster  of  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia,  taken  between  January 
20  and  February  7,  1624/5,  gives  the  names  of  twenty  who  were 
then  on  the  place.1 

Newportes 

newes  MR    DANNIELL  GOOKINES  MUSTER 

Servantes 


William  WadsWorth  aged  :  26 

William  Foockes  aged  :  24 

Thomas  Curtis  aged  :  24 

Peter  Sherwood  aged:  21 

Gilbert  Whitfild  aged  :  23 

Rise  Griffin  aged  :  24 

William  Smith  aged  :  23 

Anthonie  Ebsvvorth  aged  :  26 


All  wch  Came  in  the  Flyinge  Harte 
1621 : 


Isaye  Delywarr  aged  :  22 

Henry  Carsley  aged  :  23 

Roger  Walker  aged  :  22 

Edmond  Morgan  aged:  22 

William  Clarke  aged:  25 

Joseph  Mosley  aged:  21 

John  Parratt  aged:  36 

Robart  Smith  aged  :  22 

William  Croney  aged:  24 

William  Longe  aged:  19 

Anne  Ebsworth  aged  :  44 

Elinor  Harris  aged:  21 

Dead  in  this  Plantato 
one  Armestronge 


in  the  Prouidence 
1623 


lHotten's  Original  Lists,  p.  243. 


48  TWO  FAITHFUL  SERVANTS 

From  the  lists  of  the  residents  at  other  plantations  we  have 
also  the  names  of  five  others  of  the  passengers  whom  Daniel 
Gookin  brought  in  The  Flyinge  Harte  in  1621,  viz.:  Philip 
Chapman,  John  Chisman,  Joane  Godby,  John  Curtis,  and 
Elizabeth  Ibottson.1 

The  first  manager  of  the  Marie's  Mount  plantation  was 
Richard  Griffin,  who  appears  to  have  been  engaged  for  a  term 
of  five  years.  When  he  relinquished  his  charge  on  November 
16,  1626,  "John  Thurlby  merchant,  Thomas  Coe  and  William 
Streets,  mariners,  in  the  behalfe  of  Daniel  Gookinge  of  Cary- 
goline  in  the  county  of  Cork  within  the  kingdome  of  Ireland 
esqr"  conveyed  to  him  "in  consideration  of  the  good  and  hon- 
nest  service  the  said  Daniel  Gooking  and  his  assignes  have 
had  and  reced  from  the  said  Richard  Griffin  .  .  .  one  hun- 
dred acres  of  land  being  part  of  the  land  belonging  to  the 
lordshipp  of  the  said  Daniel  Gooking  scituate  and  lyeth  above 
Newport  News  at  the  place  now  called  Maries  Mount." 
Griffin  was  succeeded  by  Thomas  Addison,  who  continued 
as  manager  until  January,  1630/1,  when,  at  his  retirement,  he 
was  similarly  rewarded  for  his  faithful  service  by  a  gift  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  acres,  conveyed  to  him  by  "Daniell  Gook- 
ing of  Newport  News  in  Virginia,  gent  ...  in  the  behalfe  of 
his  father,"  Daniel  Gookin  of  Carrigaline.2 

lHotten's  Lists,  pp.  250,  252,  253,  254. 

2  Records  of  the  General  Court  of  Virginia. 


CHAPTER  V 


\'.\ 

Sg 

m 

fi 

rr--<    r 

1 

4 

H 

N  February,  1622/3,  Daniel  Gookin  was  in 
London,  where  he  attended  both  sessions  of  an 
"Extraordinary  Court"  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany, held  on  the  fourth  of  that  month;  but  his 
name  does  not  appear  in  the  list  of  those  present 
at  the  "Great  and  Generall  Quarter  Court,"  held 
on  the  following  day.  He  was,  however,  still  in 
London  and  attended  the  next  "Quarter  Court"  on  May  14, 
but  was  back  in  Ireland  and  at  his  home  in  Carrigaline  when 
his  father  died  there  on  June  23,  in  "perfect  mind  and  mem- 
ory" to  the  last,  according  to  the  witnesses  to  the  nuncupative 
will  the  old  gentleman  made  a  few  hours  before  he  passed  away. 
By  this  will  John  Gookin  constituted  his  son  Vincent  his  execu- 
tor, bequeathed  to  him  the  key  of  his  chest,  and  left  the  distri- 
bution of  his  remaining  estate  to  Vincent's  discretion. 

Daniel  was  in  London  again  a  year  later,  endeavouring  to 
secure  his  patent  from  the  Virginia  Company.  He  attended  the 
court  on  June  7,  1624,  which,  as  it  turned  out,  was  the  last  that 
the  company  was  to  hold,  for  on  June  16  its  charter  was  form- 
ally revoked  by  Chief  Justice  Ley.  Nothing  has  yet  come  to 
light  by  which  Daniel's  movements  during  the  next  five  years 
may  be  traced.  In  January,  1624/5,  his  eldest  brother,Thomas 
Gookin  of  Ripple  Court,  died;  and  in  the  autumn  of  1628 
Daniel  was  in  London,  where  he  was  a  witness  at  the  trial  of 
a  suit  brought  by  his  brother-in-law  Thomas  Milton  against 
Jane  Gookin  the  widow  of  Thomas,  to  compel  her  as  her  hus- 

49 


5o  PRESSING  DEBTS 

band's  executrix  to  pay  a  bond  made  by  Thomas  Gookin  upon 
which  Milton  was  liable  as  surety  and  which  Jane  tried  to 
avoid  on  the  plea  that  it  was  Milton's  obligation.1 

On  February  26,  1628/9,  the  Earl  of  Cork,  who  was  then 
in  London,  made  the  following  entry  in  his  diary: 

Mr  Gookin  conveighed  his  lease  of  carrickelyn  to  the  two  Bedlees, 
and  Mr  Wra  petley  (to  thvse  of  his  wife),  which  petley  hath  thassignment, 
and  the  Bp  of  Corke  hath  in  deposite  the  orrigenall  lease  of  carrickleyn 
ffor  C1',  for  thuse  wherof  he  hath  xx1'  out  of  the  Rents  assigned  him  per 
annum:  Mr.  Gookin  affirmeth  he  paid  Mr  Th°  Petlie  for  thinheritance 
of  carrickelyn  sixteen  hundreth  pounds,  &  that  he  sowld  it  vnto  me  for 
12501',  and  a  lease  therof  for  22  years  delivered  at  Cu  per  annum,  which 
he  gayns  2001'  a  year  by,  and  now  xj  years  ar  therof  expired,  he  will  not 
seale  the  remayn  of  his  tearm  vnder  iooo1'  ster. 

Nota :  he  made  a  former  assurance  therof  to  old  Mr  gookin,  to  thuse 
of  M"  gookin,  &  Vincent  is  his  exc.2 

In  March,  1629,  Mary  Gookin  was  in  London,  for  Lord 
Cork  set  down  in  his  diary:  "I  lent  Mrs  Gookin  20u  in  golde, 
on  her  husbands  bill,  to  be  repaid  the  last  of  8bri8"3  He  noted 
this  again  on  April  2,  the  item  "To  Mr  daniell  Gookins  wife, 
on  his  bill,  xxH,"  appearing  in  a  list  of  "The  moneis  I  have 
lent  since  I  came  to  London." 

Daniel's  transatlantic  ventures  had  not  yielded  the  rich  har- 
vest he  anticipated,  and  now  at  the  age  of  forty-seven  he  found 
himself  so  greatly  in  need  of  money  that  he  was  compelled 
to  dispose  of  the  lease  of  Carrigaline,  which  had  already  been 
pledged  to  secure  various  debts.  On  June  15,  1629,  Lord 
Cork,  who  was  still  in  London,  noted  in  his  diary: 

I  have  agreed  with  M r  danyell  Gooking  to  give  him  eight  hundreth 
pounds  ster :  for  his  lease  I  made  him  of  my  mannor  of  Carrickeleyn,  he 
making  me  such  assurance  therof  as  my  councell  shall  devise:  I  haue 
formerly  on  his  bill  lent  him  201',  which  is  to  goe  in  part  payment,  and 
this  day  delivered  him  other  vls:  other  moneis  I  am  to  furnish  him  heer 
withall  to  carry  him  and  his  wife  with  into  Ireland,  where  at  Michas  I 
am  (vppon  my  assurance  [being]  perfected)  to  make  y*  up  800",  and  at 
Michas  he  is  to  yeald  me  vp  the  quiett  possession,  to  cleer  the  B[ishop]  of 
Corke,  Luke  Brady,  his  brother,  vincent  Gookin,  to  deliver  me  vp  his 

1  See  supra,  p.  17 

2Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  ii,  302,  303. 

3  Ibid.,  306. 


SALE  OF  CARRIGALINE  LEASE  51 

orrigenall  lease,  His  assigmt  to  the  2  Bellews  &  VVm  petley  in  truste,  and 
to  yeald  vp  to  me  all  the  counterparts  of  the  leases  he  hath  made,  and 
them  I  am  to  make  good.1 

A  week  later  Cork  arranged  to  make  a  lease  of  the  castle 
and  ploughland  of  Carrigaline,  to  Mr.  Thomas  Daunt  of  Trac- 
ton  Abbey,  for  the  "Remaynder  of  danyell  gookins  lease"  at 
an  increase  of  vu  xvs  ster  above  the  rental  paid  by  Daniel  for 
the  entire  manor.2  The  following  entries  show  in  detail  how 
the  sale  of  the  lease  was  consummated,  and  also  that  Daniel's 
passion  for  colonial  ventures  was  not  yet  abated. 

31  June  1629  (London). 

I  entered  into  bond  of  200"  to  Sir  ffardinando  George  for  payment  of 
one  C1'  for  Mr  Gookin,  this  15  of  October  next  at  Mr  Burly machies  howse. 
this  is  my  debt  and  goeth  in  part  payment  of  the  800"  I  haue,  and  am  to 
paie  Mr  gookin  for  the  lease  I  made  him  of  carrickeleyn,  which  this  daie 
he  hath  covenanted  to  assigne  over  in  truste  to  Mr  Wm  Wiseman  for  my 
use;  &  I  formerly  paid  him  xxvu.  Then  he  is  at  Michas  to  abate  me  50" 
for  my  Michas  Rent  &  iiij1'  x'  for  the  King's  Rent  soe  as  at  Michas  next 
6201'  IO"  ster:,  when  he  hath  made  my  assurance,  and  delivered  Mr  wise- 
man  the  possession  to  my  vse.3 

I  July  1629  (London). 

I  sent  letters  to  Mr  wiseman  to  receav  of  Mr  walley  6201'  xs  ster:  to 
satisfi  Mr  gookin  with,  for  his  lease  I  bought  of  him  of  carrickelyne  to  Mr 
wiseman:  tharticles  between  me  and  Mr  gookin;  the  coppie  of  my  lo. 
bicshop  noat  for  thorrigenall  lease  thereof:  The  coppie  of  Mr  gookins 
deed  in  truste  made  to  his  rlfather  to  his  vse,  with  directions  to  Mr  wiseman 
how  to  manadg  that  purchaze  for  me,  and  to  take  thassurames  from  Mr 
gookin,  from  his  brother  vincent,  from  both  Mr  Bellewes.  5:  from  Wm 
petley  in  his  name  in  truste  to  my  vse,  to  deliver  it  over  to  Mr  Th°  daunt 
as  my  tenant  on  Michas  day,  who  is  to  paie  me  1051'  158  ster:  a  year  for 
it.  And  I  wrott  to  Mr  walley  to  paie  that  6201'  10s  when  Mr  wiseman 
should  require  yl  for  Mr  gookin.4 

22  February  1 629/30  (Dublin) 

I  sent  the  wrytings  between  Mr  danyell  gookin  &  my  self  with  my 
directions  to  Mr  Wm  Wiseman  by  John  Turner  to  Sir  Randall  cleyton, 
with  request  to  him  to  satisfie  Mr  danyell  gookin  605"  ster:  &  I  deliv- 
ered Mr  gookin  his  bond  &  myne  of  2001'  for  the  payment  of  one  C1' 
wherin  I  stood  bound  to  him  for  payment  therof,  &  his  bill  to  my  cozen 
Stockdale  for  payment  of  V1'  which  I  am  to  satisfy,  which   makes  cxxx1' 

'I.ismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  ii,  326,  327. 
2Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  ii,  328. 

3  Ibid.,  ii,  329,  330. 

4  Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  ii. 


52  SAINT  BRANDAN'S  ISLE 

he  hath  had  of  me  in  parte  of  8oou  I  am  to  pay  him  for  his  Interest  in 
Carrickeleyn  :     The  C1'  I  paid  to  Sir  ffardinandoe  George.1 

7  October,  1630. 
Sir  Randall  cleyton  paid  for  me  to  Mr  danyell  Gookin  (as  the  remayn 
for  the  purchase  of  the  lease  of  carrickleyn)  61 51'  3"  gd  the  Kings  Rent 
for  Easter  1630,  iiij  u  xiij"  xjd,  ffor  my  Easter  Rent  and  frees  50'',  To  Mr 
Stockdale,  for  his  debt,  51',  I  paid  for  him  to  Sir  ffardinando  George  by 
our  bond  Cu;  I  lent  him  in  London  xxv" :  And  in  this  manner  his  8oou 
was  paid  him.2 

Vincent  Gookin  at  this  time  was  serving  as  high  sheriff 
of  the  County  of  Cork,  in  which  post  he  acquitted  himself  so 
well  that  on  February  13,  1630/1,  Lord  Cork  knighted  him  in 
the  Council  Chamber  at  Dublin. 

Still  allured  by  visions  of  fortune  to  be  gained  in  lands 
beyond  the  seas,  Daniel  sought  and  obtained  from  King  Charles 
a  grant  of  the  mythical  Saint  Brandan's  isle,  then  thought  to 
lie  somewhere  in  the  north  Atlantic,  off  the  west  coast  of  Ire- 
land.    His  petition  to  the  King  was  in  these  words: 

To  the  Kings  Most  excellent  Matie 

The  humble  Peticon  of  Daniel  Gookin  gent. 

Sheweth  that  whereas  ye  Petitioner  is,  and  hath  for  manie  yeers  beine 
not  only  a  great  affecter  and  Wellwisher  to  all  the  new  Plantatons  in  y° 
late  discouered  Hands  and  Continents  in  and  beyond  ye  Seas.  Butt  also  a 
Planter  and  Aduenturer  in  the  most  of  them  himself;  Holding  those 
workes  to  bee  of  great  consequence  and  tending  both  to  ye  glorie  of  God 
for  ye  propogating  of  Christian  Religion  in  places  where  for  the  most 
savage  and  heathen  people  did  live  and  inhabit:  Also  to  the  great  strength- 
ening and  enritching  of  manie  Christian  Monarchs  Princes  theire  King- 
doms and  subjects,  whoe  by  honest  and  industrious  courses,  doe  discouer 
and  bring  in  such  comodities,  and  ritches  into  your  Mat8  Dominions  as 
those  places  and  Hands  doe  affoard,  wch  often  prooue  bothe  necessarie 
and  proffitable  to  your  Matie  and  your  subjects. 

And  for  that  ye  Petitioner  hath  had  credible  notice  and  informacon 
by  diuers  English  travellers  merchants  and  other  gent  expert  in  maritane 
affaires  and  discoueries  of  a  certaine  Hand  lying  in  ye  maine  Ocean  Sea 
betweene  ye  degrees  of  fiftie  one  and  fiftie  five  of  Northerlie  latitude,  and 
distant  West  and  by  South  about  three  hondred  leagues  from  ye  Blasques 
in  your  Ma'8  Realme  of  Ireland :  wch  said  Hand  being  heretofore  discouered 
in  part,  was  named  and  called  Saint  Brandon  or  the  Isle  de  Verde,  and  is 

1Lismore  Papers,  Ser.  I,  iii,  19. 
2  Ibid.,  iii,  55. 


DANIEL  GOOKIN'S  PATENT  53 

likely  to  prooue  very  vsefull  and  pfituous  to  both  your  Ma'"  said  King- 
doms of  England  and  Ireland,  and  to  affoard  and  yield  them  much  ffish 
with  manie  other  valuable  comodities  and  ritches  in  respect  of  the  ppin- 
quitie  and  neare  neighborhood  thervnto. 

Humblie  therefore  beseecheth  your  Matie  to  graunt  ye  said  Hand 
by  the  said  names,  or  by  some  other  name  and  certainties  by  your 
Ma'8  letters  Patents  vnder  y**  great  seale  of  England  vnto  the  Petitioner 
in  as  liberall  and  beneficial!  manner  and  forme,  and  with  as  large  pre- 
leminents  and  Immunities  for  y"  planting  and  enioying  thereof  wth  the 
bordering  Islands  (if  anie  bee)  as  your  Ma,ie  hath  bein  pleased  to 
graunt  Nova  Scotia  and  other  places  and  Islands  to  Sr  William  Alex- 
ander, Knight,  and  others  your  Ma'9  loving  subjects  in  ye  like  cases. 
And  to  give  warrant  to  your  Ma'9  Attorney  gennerall  to  prepare  a  bill 
for  your  Roiall  Signature,  for  the  speedie  passing  therof  accordingly. 
That  ye  Petitioner  maie  haue  power  and  encouragement  further  to 
discouer  and  plant  the  same  Island. 

And  the  Petitioner  shall  dailie  praie  &c. 

The  endorsement  by  Secretary  Coke  shows  that  the  king 
received  the  petition  with  favour. 

Whitehall  I  March,  1630. 

His  M,e  grasious  pleasure  is  that  Mr  Atturney  pe  pare  for  his  royal 
signature  a  Grant  to  the  Pet't'oner  of  this  Islande  and  the  Islands  neare 
adjacent  if  anie  bee  as  here  desired:  wth  such  ample  and  conuenient  priu- 
eleges  and  powers  as  have  been  graunted  to  other  discouerers  and  planters 
in  like  cases.  JOHN   COKE. 

On  a  sheet  adjoining  the  foregoing  petition  of  Mr.  Gookin 
is,  in  a  quaint,  peculiar  form  of  writing  with  abbreviations,  etc., 
the  following,  viz.: 

Particular  instructions  to  be  putt  in  to  the  pattent  for  Daniell  Gokein 
als  Gookin: 

First  to  have  free  transportacon  of  all  manner  of  live  cattle,  as  Horses, 
Mares,  Cowes,  heifers,  sheepe,  goats  and  swine  Custom  free  or  to  be 
allowed  bills  of  store  for  7  years. 

Alsoe  to  Covennte  to  renew  the  pattent  after  the  discouery  of  the  Hand 
or  Hands  which  shall  be  founde  betweene  Ireland  and  Newfoundland 
lying,  between  the  degrees  of  50  and  55.  that  his  Matie  would  take  but 
the  20th  part  of  the  silver  or  gold  mynes  if  anie  be  discovered  and  wrought 
upon. 

It  is  unlikely  that  Daniel  Gookin  tried  to  make  use  of  this 
patent;  no  evidence  now  existing  shows  any  attempt  by  him 
to  find  the  phantom  isle. 


54  HIS  DEATH 

In  May,  163 1,  the  twelve  years'  litigation  over  the  loan 
made  by  Daniel  to  Jordan  Condon  came  to  an  end.  Daniel 
having  brought  suit  against  David  Power,  one  of  Condon's 
sureties,  Power  sought  to  escape  liability  by  filing  a  counter 
bill  against  Daniel  in  the  High  Court  of  Chancery.  Answer- 
ing, Daniel  pleaded  that  the  bill  was  "vexatious  and  for  the 
purpose  of  delay."  The  court  sustained  this  view  and  at  last 
Daniel  got  his  judgement.  This  is  the  last  glimpse  we  get  of 
him.  After  the  sale  of  his  lease  of  Carrigaline  he  removed  to 
the  City  of  Cork  and  was  of  Red  Abbey  in  the  parish  of  St. 
Fin  Barr  when  he  died,  in  February  or  March,  1632/3.  On 
April  3  of  that  year  letters  of  administration  upon  his  estate 
were  granted  to  his  widow  and  his  son  Edward  (then  a  boy  of 
about  eighteen),  the  bonds  being  signed  by  Mary  Gookin  and 
her  son  Richard. 


Apparently  there  was  little  to  administer.  The  inventory 
of  the  decedent's  goods,  made  soon  after  his  death,  will  per- 
haps be  of  interest  to  his  descendants. 

An  Inventory  of  the  goods  of  Daniel  Gookin,  late  of  Red  Abbey 
deceased,  taken  by  us  Thomas  Bate  of  Gill  Abbey  Merchant  &  Philip 
Darrell  Gent.  &  appraised  by  us  the  8th  day  of  March  1633  by  virtue 
of  a  commission  to  us  directed  from  the  Consistory  Court  of  Cork. 

£        s.        d. 

Imprimis,  two  field  bed  steads  with  testers  curtains  &  val- 

lances,  being  decayed  &  apprized  at        ....     01.     00.     00 

Item  three  feather  beds,  two  flock  beds,  two  bolsters,  &  six 

pillows,  being  old  and  decayed  valued  at  04.     00.     00 

Item,  three  rugs,  one  caddow  &  four  blankets      .       .       .01.     00.     00 

Item,  two   little   tables,  four  small   stools  and   two  old 

chairs  at OO.     06.     08 


INVENTORY  OF  GOODS  55 

IN    A   TRUNK  £        St         d 

Item,  seven  pairs  of  old  sheets,  six  tablecloths  four  cub- 
bert  cloathes,  three  doz  of  napkins,  four  towels,  six 
pillobeares  and  a  suit  of  child  bed  linen  valued  at       .     05,      10.     00 

IN    ANOTHER  SMALL  TRUNK 
Item,  four  bearing  blankets,  two  wrought  pillobearers  5c 

three  pincushions  valued  at 02.     00.     00 

IN    ANOTHER  SMALL  TRUNK 
Item,  two  cloth  suits,  one  cloak,  six  pair  of  stockings,  one 

hat  &  a  sword  of  the  deceased  valued  at       ,       .       .03      00.     00 
Item,  one  little  jug  and  a  desk  apprized  at    .       .        .       .     00.     04.     00 

IN   A   HAMPER 

Item,  two  chamber  pots,  one  pint  pot,  one  quart  pot,  three 
pewter  dishes,  one  little  flagon  and  a  pewter  band  pot 
valued  at OO.     06,     08 

Item,  one  old  brass  pot,  one  pair  pot  hooks,  two  iron 
crocks,  one  pair  of  tongs,  fire  shovels  5c  one  Smooth- 
ing iron  apprized  at OO.      IO      00 

Item,  two  silver  beer  bowls,  one  wine  bowl,  two  salt-cel- 
lars, whereof  one  a  trencher  salt  5c  twelve  silver  spoons 
apprized  at 06       13       04 

Item,  one  book  of  Cooper's  works,  one  of  Boulton's  Si 

three  of  Prestones  in  quarto  and  one  Bible    .       .        .01.     00.     00 

Item,  two  thousand  suttle  pounds  of  tobacco,  the  greater 

part  whereof  hath  taken  wet,  valued  at  3d  the  pound.      25.     OO.     OO 

Item,  an  old  pair  of  virginals  valued  at 00      16      00 

Item,  a  small  nag,  Si  old  mare  Si  a  coult  of  two  weeks 

old 03      00      00 

Item,  the  fourth  part  of  a  boat  of  seven  tunes      .       .       .     02.     00      00 

DESPERATE  DEBTS 
Item,  one  bill  of  Lazerus  Havarde  for  one  pound  sixteen  shillings  Si  eight 

pence  sterling  valued  at  [amount  not  stated]. 
Item,  one  bill  of  Captain   Bruffes  of  twelve  pounds   sterling  valued  at 

[amount  not  stated]. 
Item,  a  bond  of  Mr  William  Poore  of  Shangarry  for  payment  of  ^40. 

Item,  the  rest  of  the  intestates  goods  were  made  over  to  his  children  by 
ffeeffment  in  trust  to  Sir  Vincent  Gookin  Knt.,  William  Newce  of 
Bandon  Bridge,  Esq.  5c  William  Booth  of  Lincolnshire  in  the  realm 
of  England  before  the  intestate's  decease.  THOMAS  BATE 

Philip  Darrell 

Exhibited  the  io,h  September  1633  by  Mary  Gookin. 


56  NAMES  OF  CHILDREN 

Daniel  and  Mary  (Byrd)  Gookin  had  five  sons.  Richard, 
the  eldest,  was  born  about  1609  and  named  after  his  grand- 
father. Dr.  Byrd.  At  the  time  of  his  father's  death  he  was 
apparently  still  a  member  of  the  paternal  household,  being 
described  in  the  administrator's  bond  as  "  Richard  Gookin  of  St. 
Finn  Barre,  Cork,  Gent.,"  but  as  he  did  not  serve  as  one  of  the 
administrators  it  may  be  that  he  was  engaged  in  some  occupa- 
tion that  made  it  impracticable.  Nothing  has  been  learned 
about  his  career,  though  it  is  certain  that  he  died  before  1655, 
and  fair  to  presume  that  he  married,  since  he  alone  of  all  the 
members  of  the  family  could  have  been  the  father  of  "John 
Gookin  of  St.  Dunstan's  in  the  East,  London,  mariner,"  con- 
cerning whom  also  nothing  is  known  except  that  on  November 
21,  1665,  being  then  a  "bachelor  aged  about  28,"  he  married 
"Mrs  Francis  Pitt  of  Stepney,  widow,  aged  about  23." l 

Edward,  the  second  son,  who  was  baptized  at  Ripple  in 
161 1,  died  young.  Next  came  Daniel,  born  toward  the  end  of 
161 2;  then  John,  who  was  perhaps  the  twin  brother  of  Daniel; 
then  a  second  Edward,  probably  born  in  1615,  as  he  was  old 
enough  in  April,  1633,  to  be  constituted  one  of  the  administra- 
tors of  his  father's  estate,  yet  still  a  minor,  for  his  mother  was 
appointed  his  guardian  on  the  same  day  that  the  letters  of 
administration  were  issued.    He  died,  unmarried,  before  1655. 

It  may  be  that  there  was  also  a  daughter  Mary,  born  about 
1617,  for,  on  July  2,  1635,  a  marriage  license  bond  for  the  mar- 
riage of  "Marie  Gowkine"  to  "Hugh  Bullock  of  London, 
gentleman"2  was  filed  in  the  City  of  Cork.  It  seems  more 
likely,  however,  that  "Mary  Gowkine"  was  Daniel  Gookin's 
widow.  If  so,  the  marriage  did  not  take  place,  for  about  three 
weeks  later  Mary,  who  appears  to  have  gone  to  visit  the  family 

'Allegations  for  Mar.  Lie.  issued  by  Vicar-Gen.  of  Archbishop  of  Cant.,  1660-8. 
Har.  Soc.  Pub.,  xxxiii,  152. 

2  He  was  probably  the  Hugh  Bullock  of  London,  gentleman,  who  made  his  will 
October  20,  1649,  being  then  aged  seventy-two.  It  was  probated  November  2,  1650, 
(P.  C.  C.  Pembroke,  f.  168).  No  wife  was  mentioned  in  it.  He  left  his  estate  in 
Virginia  to  his  son  William,  who  was  probably  the  author  of  the  well-known  book, 
published  in  1649,  entitled  "Virginia  Impartially  examined  and  left  to  publick  view, 
to  be  considered  by  all  Judicious  and  Honest  Men."  Mention  was  made  of  Wil- 
liam's  wife  Elizabeth,  and  children  Robert  and  Frances,  and  of  the  testator's  sister 
Ann  Mason  and  her  daughter  Ellinor  Mason. 


CAPTAIN  JOHN  GOOKIN  57 

of  her  brother-in-law  Sir  Vincent  Gookin,  then  living  at  Bitton 
in  Gloucestershire,  died  and  was  buried  there  on  July  27,  1635. 

Daniel  and  John,  the  third  and  fourth  sons  of  Daniel 
Gookin,  were  probably  away  from  home  at  the  time  of  their 
father's  death.  We  know  that  Daniel  was  at  the  Marie's 
Mount  plantation  as  early  as  163 1,  when  he  was  only  eighteen, 
and  not  unlikely  John  may  have  been  there  with  him.  John's 
career  was  a  short  one.  On  October  17,  1636,  he  was  granted 
500  acres  of  land  on  the  Nansemond  River  in  Virginia  for 
transporting  ten  persons  to  the  colony,1  and  in  the  course  of 
the  next  five  years  he  had  three  additional  grants  aggregating 
1490  acres  more.  In  1637  or  1638  he  was  appointed  one  of  the 
Commissioners  for  keeping  monthly  courts  in  Lower  Norfolk, 
and  in  1639  was  a  burgess  for  Upper  Norfolk  and  attended  the 
Grand  Assembly  that  met  in  James  City  on  January  6.2  A 
few  days  prior  to  February  4,  1640/1  he  married  Sarah  the 
relict  of  Captain  Adam  Thorowgood  of  Lynn  Haven,  Lower 
Norfolk  county.  Captain  Thorowgood  was  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal men  of  the  colony.  His  wife  Sarah  was  the  fifth  daughter 
of  Robert  Offley,  Turkey  merchant  of  Grace  street,  London, 
whose  wife  Ann  was  the  daughter  of  Sir  Edward  Osborne, 
Knt.,  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  1583,  by  his  wife  Ann,  daughter 
and  sole  heir  of  William  Hewitt,  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  1559, 
"a  merchant  of  great  repute."  Sarah  Offley  was  baptized  at 
St.  Benet's  April  16,  1609,  and  was  married  to  Adam  Thorow- 
good at  St.  Anne's,  Blackfriars,  July  18,  1627.  She  bore  him 
a  son  and  three  daughters,  who  were  living  at  the  time  of  her 
marriage  to  John  Gookin.  By  her  second  husband  she  had  one 
daughter,  Mary  Gookin,  born  in  1641  or  1642,  who  was  married 
about  1660  to  Captain  William  Moseley  of  Rolleston,  Lower 
Norfolk,  and  after  his  death  in  1671,  became  the  second  wife  of 
Lieut.  Colonel  Anthony  Lawson. 

In  1642  John  Gookin  had  the  title  of  Captain,  and  on  March 
29,  1643,  he  was  Commander  at  a  court  held  for  Lower  Nor- 
folk.3    He  died  on  November  2,  1643,  being  then  only  about 

JVa.  Hist.  Mag.,  Vol.  5,  p.  458. 
2 Ibid.,  Vol.  5,  p.  435;  Vol.  2,  p.  99. 
3  Lower  Norfolk  Co.  Antiquary,  i,  144. 


58  TOMBSTONE  AT  LYNN  HAVEN 

thirty  years  of  age.  Four  years  later  his  widow  was  married 
to  her  third  husband,  Colonel  Francis  Yardley,  son  of  Gover- 
nor Sir  George  Yardley.  She  died  in  August,  1657,  and  was 
buried  beside  John  Gookin,  at  Church  Point,  Lynn  Haven. 
The  tombstone  erected  to  their  memory  is  the  only  one  now 
readable  of  those  formerly  in  the  church-yard  there,  the  others 
having  been  submerged  or  destroyed  by  the  incursion  of  the 
sea.     It  bears  the  inscription : 

Here  lieth  ye  body  of  Capt  John  Gooking  and  also 

ye  body  of  M"  Sarah  Yardley,  who  was  wife  to 

Capt.  Adam  Thorowgood  first,  Capt  John 

Gooking  &:  Collonell  Francis  Yardley,  who 

deceased  August  1657. 


PART  III 
DANIEL  GOOKIN  OF  CAMBRIDGE 


§ 

i :  * 

CHAPTER  VI 

HE  third  son  and  namesake  of  Daniel  Gookin 
of  Carrigaline  was  born  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
year  1612.  His  place  of  nativity  remains  a  mat- 
ter of  conjecture.  When  he  was  less  than  four 
years  old  his  father  was  living  in  Ireland,  so  it 
may  be  assumed  that  Daniel's  early  boyhood  was 
spent  at  Carrigaline  and  that  later  he  was  sent  to 
England  for  his  schooling.  The  earliest  glimpse  of  him  that  we 
have  reveals  him  in  Virginia,  at  his  father's  plantation,  shortly 
after  he  had  passed  his  eighteenth  birthday.  Among  the  rec- 
ords of  the  General  Court  is  an  indenture  executed  February 
1,  1630/1,  "between  Daniell  Gooking  of  Newport  Newes  in 
Virginia,  gent,  of  the  one  part  and  Thomas  Addison  late  ser- 
vant to  the  said  Daniell  his  father  of  the  other  part,"  whereby 
"the  said  Daniell  Gooking  younger,  in  the  behalfe  of  his  father, 
as  well  for  and  in  consideration  of  the  good  and  honnest  ser- 
vice the  said  Daniel  Gooking  and  his  assignes  have  had  and 
received  from  the  said  Thomas  Addison,  as  alsoe  for  and  in 
consideration  of  the  yearly  rent  and  other  conditions  hereafter 
mentioned  and  expressed,  doe  give,  grant,  assigne  and  confirme 
unto  the  sd  Thomas  Addison  his'heires  one  fifty  acres  of  land, 
being  part  of  the  land  belonging  to  the  lordshipp  of  the  said 
Daniel  Gooking,  is  scituate  and  leyeth  above  Newport  Newes 
at  a  place  there  now  called  Maries  Mount."1 

DeVries,  the  Dutch  captain,  wrote  that  on  March  20,  1633, 

1  New  Eng.  Hist.  Gen.  Register,  i,  347. 

61 


62 


GRANT  OF  VIRGINIA  LANDS 


he  "anchored  at  evening,  before  Newport  Snuw,  where  lived  a 
gentleman  of  the  name  of  Goegen."1  Other  than  this  there  is 
nothing  to  show  how  long  Daniel  remained  in  the  Colony  at 
this  time,  unless  it  may  be  inferred  from  the  date  of  the  order 
of  the  General  Court  granting  him  2500  acres  of  land  upon 
the  south  side  of  James  River,  that  he  was  still  there  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1634/5.  The  language  of  the  grant,  which  was  not  per- 
fected until  nearly  three  years  later,  is  as  follows: 

To  all  to  whome  these  p'sents  shall  come,  I  Sr  John  Harvy,  Kt:  Gov- 
ernor, ....  Know  yee  that  I  the  said  Sr  John  Harvy  Kt.  doe  wth  the 
consent  of  the  Counsell  of  State  accordingly  Give  and  graunt  unto  Dan- 
iell  Gookin  Esqr  twoe  thousand  five  hundred  acres  of  land,  situate  lying 
and  being  in  the  upper  Countie  of  New  Norfolke  upon  the  northwest 
of  Nansemond  River  beginning  at  the  South  East  side  of  a  Small  Creeke, 
which  lyeth  in  the  midway  betweene  the  mouth  of  Chuckatuck  at  New 
Town  hundred  Extending  upwards  upon  Nansamond  River  South  West 
and  back  into  the  woods  North  West,  the  said  Twoe  thousand  five  hun- 
dred acres  of  land  being  graunted  unto  him  the  said  Daniell  Gookin,  by 
order  of  Court  bearing  date  the  25th  of  ffebruary  1634  being  alsoe  due 
unto  him  the  said  Daniell  Gookin  by  and  for  the  transportation  at  his 
owne  Expensts  and  charges  of  fiftie  p'sons  into  this  Colony  whose  names 
are  in  the  record  mentioned  under  this  pattent,  To  Have  and  To  Hold, 
etc.,  dated  the  29th  December  1637.2 


Thos  Curtis 
Wm  Wadsworth 
Jon  Thomas 
Jon  Garner 
Wm  Granger 
Griffin  Marfin 
J»»  Hillier 
Jon  Scott 
Jon.  Box 
Edwd  Morgan 
Tho8  Browne 
Peter  Norman 
Geo.  Child 
Roger  Blank 
Robert  Smith 
Wm  Jewell 
Wm  Cooney 

1  Neill,  Virginia  Carolorum,  p.  83. 

2  Records  Va.  Land  Office,  1,511. 


Jon  Curtis 
Gilbert  Whitfield 
Hen.  Price 
Phill  Chapman 
J»-  Roe 
Chas.  Griffin 
Hugh  Jones 
Jon  Burden 
Jos.  Mosly 
Wal.  Manst 
Austin  Norman 
Christ  Elsworth 
Thomas  Addison 
Wm  Long 
Wm  Pensint 
Wm  Clarke 
Esay  Delaware 


Wm.  Smith 
Hugh  Jones 
Wm  Richards 
W-  Hooker 
Chas.  Kenley 
Wm  Ellis 
Hen  Coslay 
J0D  Buckland 
Edwd.  Burdon 
Benj.  Box 
Hen.  Norman 
Ann  Elsworth 
Rodger  Walker 
Thomas  ffield 
Morgan  Phillips 
Daniell  Hopkinson 


A  DEFERRED  RECOMPENSE  63 

The  inclusion  in  this  list  of  the  names  of  four  of  the  ser- 
vants of  Daniel  Gookin,  Sr.,  who  came  in  The  Flying  Harte 
in  162 1,  and  of  five  others  who  were  living  in  Elizabeth  City 
when  the  census  of  February  16,  1623/4,  was  taken,  and  upon 
whose  transportation  into  the  colony  the  grant  of  land  to  the 
elder  Daniel  had  already  been  based,  suggests  the  possibility 
that  this  grant  to  his  son  may  have  been  one  of  those  made 
by  complacent  officials  upon  slender  pretext  of  conformity  to 
legal  requirements,  either  for  favour,  or  the  payment  of  a  small 
fee.1  As  to  the  justice  of  the  grant  there  can  be  no  question. 
It  was  a  part  of  the  deferred  recompense  to  Daniel's  father, 
who  had  earned  thirty-five  hundred  acres  by  transporting 
seventy  colonists  in  the  "Providence"  in  1623. 2 

Whether  the  alienation  of  the  Marie's  Mount  plantation 
was  of  earlier  or  later  date  than  this  grant  we  do  not  know. 
It  was  conveyed  by  Daniel  and  John  Gookin  to  John  Chand- 
ler, but  the  language  of  the  deed  cannot  be  recovered  and  it 
is  unlikely  that  its  date  will  ever  be  known,  as  all  the  early 
records  of  Warwick  county  are  destroyed  and  those  of  Eliza- 
beth City  go  back  only  to  1699.  It  is,  however,  referred  to  in 
a  grant  to  William  Cole,  in  April,  1685,  of  the  remainder  of 
the  tract  after  deducting  100  acres  conveyed  to  Richard  Griffin 
on  November  16,  1626,  and  the  150  acres  given  to  Thomas 
Addison  in  1631.     The  grant  to  Cole  reads: 

To  all  &c.  Whereas  &c,  Now  know  yee  that  I  the  said  Francis 
Lord  Howard,  Governor  &c,  doe  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Councell  of  State  accordly  give  and  grant  unto  the  HonMo  William  Cole, 
Esq.,  one  of  his  Majesties  Councell  of  State  of  this  Colony  ffowerteene 
hundred  thirty  and  one  acres  of  land  twelve  hundred  and  seaventeene 
acres  whereof  lyes  in  Warwick  County  &  the  remainder  being  twoe  hun- 
dred and  sixteene  acres3  in  Elizabeth  Citty  County  commonly  called 
Newports  News  according  to  the  most  ancient  and  lawfull  bonds  thereof 
being  all  that  can  be  found  upon  an  exact  Survey  of  two  thousand  five 
hundred  acres  of  Land  formerly  granted  to  Daniell  Gookin  Esq.,  except 
two  hundred  &  fifty  acres  formerly  conveyed  and  made  over  by  the  said 
Gookin  whoe  together  with  John  Gookin  conveyed  the  aforesaid  ffourtene 

'See  Campbell's  History  of  Virginia,  p.  350. 
2  See  supra,  p.  46. 

'Obviously  an  error  in  the  record,  for  1217  acres  and  216  acres  give  a  total  of 
1433,  not  1431. 


64  SECOND  MARRIAGE 

hundred  thirty  and  one  acres  of  land  to  John  Chandler  whoe  conveyed  the 
same  to  Capt.  Benedict  Stafford  from  whome  the  same  was  found  to 
escheat  in  the  Secretaries  office  under  the  hands  and  seals  of  John  Page, 
Esq.,  escheator  Gener'1  of  Warwick  &  Elizabeth  Citty  Counties  &  a  jury 
sworne  before  him  for  the  purpose  dated  the  third  day  of  Aprill  1684  may 
appeare  &  was  since  granted  to  the  said  William  Cole,  Esq.,  and  Capt. 
Roger  Jones  whoe  made  their  composition  according  to  Act  &  since  by 
the  said  Roger  Jones  assigned  &  made  over  to  the  said  William  Cole, 
Esq.,  &c. 

Dated  the  20th  of  Aprill,  1685. 

The  fact  that  the  conveyance  to  Chandler  was  made  by- 
Daniel  Gookin  and  John  Gookin  sets  at  rest  all  doubt  that 
Captain  John  Gookin  was  Daniel's  brother. 

When  we  get  our  next  glimpse  of  Daniel  he  is  in  London. 
A  license  was  granted  by  the  Bishop  of  London,  November 
II,  1639,  for  the  marriage  of  Daniel  Gookin,  Gentleman,  of  the 
parish  of  St.  Sepulchre,  London,  a  widower,  aged  about  27,  and 
Mary  Dolling,  of  the  parish  of  St.  Dunstan  in  the  West,  Lon- 
don, a  spinster,  aged  about  21,  whose  parents  were  dead.  They 
were  to  marry  at  St.  Sepulchre's,  but,  as  the  early  registers 
of  that  parish  were  destroyed  in  the  Great  Fire  of  1665,  the 
precise  date  of  the  wedding  cannot  be  determined.  No  record 
of  Daniel's  previous  marriage  has  yet  come  to  light.  There 
is  nothing  to  indicate  whether  it  took  place  in  England  or  in 
Virginia.  The  parentage  of  his  second  wife  is  also  an  unsolved 
problem.  The  parish  register  of  St.  Dunstan  in  the  West 
reveals  nothing  about  her,  from  which  it  may  be  inferred  that 
her  birthplace  was  in  all  probability  elsewhere. 

In  the  interval  between  his  two  visits  to  Virginia  there  is 
reason  to  suppose  that  Daniel  was,  for  a  time  at  least,  engaged 
in  military  service,  possibly  in  England,  but  more  likely  in 
the  Netherlands.  Captain  Edward  Johnson,  in  his  "Wonder 
Working  Providence,"  calls  him  a  "Kentish  souldier,"  an 
appellation  which  would  hardly  have  been  bestowed  because  of 
his  command  of  the  trained  bands  in  Virginia  and  Massachu- 
setts. Whatever  the  service,  however,  its  duration  could  not 
have  been  longer  than  a  very  few  years. 

Early  in  1641,  Daniel  and  Mary  Gookin,  with  their  infant 
son,  set  sail  for  Virginia  to  make  their  home  in  the  new  world. 


IN  VIRGINIA  65 

Opening  before  Daniel  there  was  the  alluring  prospect  of  ter- 
ritorial lordship  made  possible  by  the  grant  of  land  obtained 
three  years  before;  whereas,  being  a  younger  son  and  possessed 
of  only  moderate  means,  the  hope  of  acquiring  a  considerable 
landed  estate  in  England  must  have  seemed  very  far  away. 
Though  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  doubt  that  he  was  already  a 
Puritan  when  he  came  over,  his  religious  faith  cannot  have  been 
an  impelling  force  in  determining  him  to  settle  in  Virginia. 
The  impulse  of  the  English  Puritans  to  seek  a  refuge  beyond 
the  sea  had  been  checked  and  the  tide  of  emigration  to  New 
England  had  been  brought  almost  to  an  end  by  the  hopes 
which  the  assembling  of  the  Long  Parliament,  the  year  before, 
hud  awakened.  Moreover,  intolerance  of  open  non-conformity 
to  the  Church  of  England  was  then  more  marked  in  the 
southern  colony  than  in  the  mother  country. 

On  his  arrival  in  Virginia,  Daniel  proceeded  to  the  Nanse- 
mond  plantation  and  took  up  his  residence  there.  His  fellow 
colonists  were  not  long  in  recognizing  him  as  a  man  of  ability. 
He  was  made  a  burgess  and  represented  Upper  Norfolk  in 
the  Grand  Assembly  which  met  at  Jamestown  January  12, 
1641/2.1  Upon  the  records  his  name  appears  as  "Captain" 
Daniel  Gookin,  which  very  likely  indicates  that  the  title  was 
acquired  before  he  left  England.  However  that  may  be,  he 
was  soon  given  the  title  in  Virginia.  "At  a  court  holden  at 
James  Citty  the  nyne  and  twentyeth  of  June  1642.  Present  Sr 
Willian  Berkeley  kn*  Governor  &c.  Capt.  John  West  Mr 
Rich.  Kemp  Capt.  William  Brocas  Capt.  Christ  Wormley  Capt. 
Hum.  Higginson.  The  comicon  for  the  monethly  court  of 
Upp.  Norfolke  to  be  renewed  and  the  com"  to  be  as  follow- 
eth:  Capt.  Daniell  Gookin  comander,  Mr  ffrancis  Hough 
Capt.  Tho.  Burbage  Mr  John  Hill  Mr.  Olliver  Spry,  Mr 
Thomas  Dew  Mr  Randall  Crew  Mr  Robert  Bennett  Mr 
Philip  Bennett.  The  Capts.  of  trayned  Bands  to  be  as  follow- 
eth:  Capt.  Daniel  Gookin,  Capt.  Thomas  Burbage." 

It  is  interesting,  in  view  of  the  circumstances  of  his  later 
life,  that  the  duties  of  these  offices  soon  brought  Daniel  into 

1  Va.  Hist.  Mag.,  ix,  51. 


66  ANOTHER  LAND  GRANT 

contact  with  the  Indians  of  the  neighborhood,  and  that  one  of 
the  earliest  of  the  occasions  was  at  the  instance  of  his  brother 
John  Gookin,  for  it  is  recorded  in  the  order  book  of  the  Gen- 
eral Court  of  Virginia: 

At  a  Quarter  Court  holden  at  James  Citty  the  22th  of  November 
1642.  Present  Sr  William  Berkeley  Knight  .  .  .  Whereas  Capt.  John 
Gookin  hath  represented  to  the  Board  certayne  Outrages  aud  Robberyes 
committed  by  the  Indians  belonging  to  Nanzemond  in  the  county  of  the 
lower  Norfolke,  The  Court  hath  therefore  ordered  according  to  the  request 
of  the  said  Capt.  John  Gooking,  That  Authority  be  given  to  the  Coman- 
der  of  the  Upp.  Norfolke  either  by  Lre  or  Commicon  to  send  to  the  Indian 
King  of  Nansimond  that  those  Indians  who  have  comitted  the  Outrages 
may  be  sent  in  to  receive  such  condigne  punishm1  as  the  nature  of  the 
offense  may  justly  merritt,  as  alsoe  to  restore  the  goods  stollen,  which  if  he 
shall  refuse  to  pforme  that  then  the  said  Comander  shall  have  power  to 
apprehend  any  of  the  Indians  they  can  and  to  keepe  them  in  hold  untill 
satisfaccon  and  restitucon  be  accordingly  made. 

In  the  autumn  of  this  year  Daniel  received  a  patent  for  an 
additional  fourteen  hundred  acres  of  land. 

"To  all  to  whome,  etc.,  .  .  .  now  know  yee,  that  the  said  Sr 
William  Berkeley  Kt.  doe  wth  the  Consent  of  the  Counsell  of  State 
accordingly  give  and  graunt  unto  Capt.  Daniell  Gookin  ffourteen  hundred 
acres  of  land  situate  or  being  in  Rappahaunocke  River  about  thirty-five 
miles  upon  the  north  side  and  beginning  at  a  marked  red  ooke  standing 
on  the  River  side  on  the  westward  side  of  a  pond  of  water  and  extending  for 
length  east  north  east  three  hundred  and  twentie  pole  unto  a  marked  red 
ooke,  and  for  breadth  from  the  first  mentioned  marked  tree  by  south,  south- 
east line  nigh  unto  the  River  side  seaven  hundred  pole  unto  a  marked  white 
ooke  standing  on  a  point  on  the  westward  side  of  the  mouth  of  a  small 
creeke  and  soe  extending  for  length  East  North  East  three  hundred  and 
twenty  pole  unto  a  marked  pyne,  and  soe  North  North  West  parrallel  to 
the  River  Course  unto  the  second  mentioned  red  ooke,  the  said  ffourteen 
hundred  acres  of  land  being  due  unto  him  the  said  Capt.  Daniell  Gookin 
by  and  for  the  transportation  of  twentie  eight  persons  into  this  colony 
whose  names  are  in  the  record  mentioned  under  this  pattent. 

"To  Have  and  to  Hold," etc.,  "Yielding  and  paying"  etc.,  "which 
payment  is  to  be  made  seaven  Yeares  after  the  date  of  these  prsents  and 
not  before,"  etc.,  "Provided  alwaies  that  the  said  Capt.  Daniell  Gookin 
his  heirs  or  assigns  doe  not  plant  or  seat  or  cause  to  bee  seated  on  the 
said  ffourteen  hundred  acres  of  land  wth  in  the  terme  of  three  yeares  next 
ensuing  after  admittance  cultivation"  grant  to  be  void.  "  Given  by  a  Grand 
Assembly  for  the  seating  of  Rappahannock  River  aforesaid, "etc.,  "dated 
the  fouerth  of  November  1642." 


THE  NANSEMOND  PETITION  67 

The  names  of  the  twenty-eight  persons  are  recorded  with 
this  instrument: 

William  Wildly  Christ.  Vaughan 

Jon.  Morgan  fferdinand  Heath 

Margarett  Davis  Thos  Beede 

William  Paine  Roger  Wilcox 

Eliza :  Brooke  Thos.  Ringall 

Robert  Mason  Rich.  Browne 

Marsoy  Lanmore  Robert  Bernard 

William  Webb  James  Perkins 

Jon  Addison  Tho.  Perkins 
(Daniel  Gookin)  himself  2  several  times  into  this 

Colony. 

Mrs.  Mary  Gookin  Sam11  Gookin 

Thomas  Warren  William  Shepperd 

Edward  Cooke  Mary  Codne 

John  Bright  Jacob,  a  negroe 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  most  of  these  were  indented 
servants  brought  over  by  Daniel  to  assist  in  the  cultivation  of 
the  Nansemond  plantation.  The  negro,  whose  full  name  was 
Jacob  Warrow,  was  a  slave.  He  was  owned  by  Daniel  until 
1655,  when  he  was  murdered  by  the  Indians.1 

Among  his  neighbors  in  the  Upper  Norfolk  country,  Dan- 
iel found  to  his  great  delight  that  there  were  a  considerable 
number  of  Puritan  families.  They  had,  in  all  probability,  a 
rude  chapel  in  the  forest,  wherein,  as  was  customary  in  those 
days  in  settlements  without  a  minister,  a  Bible  and  a  few  valu- 
able religious  books  were  fastened  to  a  desk,  for  the  devout  to 
open  and  read.  Services  of  some  sort  were  held  on  the  Lord's 
Day,  but  the  lack  of  the  preaching  which  was  both  the  chief 
solace  and  intellectual  diversion  of  the  early  Puritans,  was 
keenly  felt.  Accordingly  on  May  24,  1642,  Richard  Bennett, 
Daniel  Gookin,  John  Hull  and  seventy-one  others,  addressed 
a  letter  to  the  elders  of  the  church  in  the  colony  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  "  bewailing  their  sad  condition  for  want  of  the 
means  of  salvation  and  earnestly  entreating  a  supply  of  faithful 
ministers,  whom,  upon  experience  of  their  gifts  and  godliness 
they  might  call  to  office."2 

1  See  infra,  p.  76. 

2  Winthrop's  Hist,  of  New  Eng.,  ed.  by  James  Savage,  it,  93. 


68  VISIT  OF  PURITAN  PREACHERS 

This  letter,  now  known  as  the  "Nansemond  petition,"  Ben- 
nett carried  to  Boston,  where  he  arrived  upon  a  small  coasting 
vessel,  early  in  September.  The  petition  having  been  read 
to  the  people  "upon  a  lecture  day,  the  elders  met,"  says 
Winthrop,  "and  set  a  day  apart  to  seek  God  in  it,  and  agreed 
upon  three  who  might  most  likely  be  spared."  Two  of  these 
declined  to  go  and  the  choice  finally  rested  upon  Rev.  William 
Tompson  of  Braintree,  an  Oxford  graduate  and  a  preacher 
of  distinction,  and  Rev.  John  Knowles,  a  ripe  scholar  from 
Emanuel  College,  who  had  been  the  pastor  at  Watertown. 
With  the  consent  of  their  churches,  Tompson  and  Knowles 
left  on  October  7  for  Taunton,  where  a  pinnace  awaited 
them,  and  a  few  days  later  they  were  joined  by  Rev.  Thomas 
James  of  New  Haven,  who  had  for  ten  years  been  a  faithful 
preacher  at  Charlestown.  Eleven  weeks  were  consumed  in 
the  voyage  to  Virginia.  At  Hell  Gate  their  small  craft  was 
wrecked  and  they  narrowly  escaped  with  their  lives.  Another 
vessel  having  been  procured  at  Manhattan,  despite  the  cold 
reception  accorded  them  by  the  Dutch  Governor,  "they  set 
sail  in  the  dead  of  winter,  and  had  much  foul  weather,  so  as 
with  great  difficulty  and  danger  they  arrived  safe  in  Virginia." 
"Here,"  says  Winthrop,  "they  found  very  loving  and  liberal 
entertainment,  and  were  bestowed  in  several  places,  not  by 
the  governour,  but  by  some  well  disposed  people  who  desired 
their  company."1 

Among  these  well  disposed  persons  Daniel  Gookin  was 
easily  the  most  prominent,  and  no  stretch  of  the  imagination  is 
required  to  see  him  welcoming  the  ministers  with  open  hands. 
By  Governor  Berkeley,  a  zealous  and  bigoted  adherent  to  the 
Church  of  England,  though  they  brought  letters  to  him  from 
Governor  Winthrop,  their  reception  was  frigid  in  the  extreme. 
He  told  them  bluntly  that  their  presence  was  not  desired, 
and  as  they  persisted,  nevertheless,  in  striving  to  spread  their 
obnoxious  doctrine,  he  lost  no  time  in  taking  steps  to  repel  the 
invasion.  At  the  next  meeting  of  the  Assembly,  in  March, 
1642/3,  the  following  act  was  passed:     "For  the  preservation 

1  Hist.  New  Eng.,  ii,  115. 


THE  ACT  OF  CONFORMITY  69 

of  the  puritie  of  doctrine  &  unitie  of  the  church,  It  is  enacted 
that  all  ministers  whatsoever  which  shall  reside  in  the  collony 
are  to  be  conformable  to  the  orders  and  constitutions  of  the 
church  of  England,  and  the  laws  therein  established,  and  not 
otherwise  to  be  admitted  to  teach  or  preach  publickly  or 
privatly,  And  that  the  Gov.  and  Counsel  do  take  care  that 
all  nonconformists  upon  notice  of  them  shall  be  compelled  to 
depart  the  collony  with  all  convenencie."1 

After  the  enactment  of  this  statute  the  Governor  was  not 
long  in  getting  rid  of  Knowles  and  James,  who  left  for  New 
England  in  April.  Knowles  arrived  in  Boston  in  June,  bearing 
letters  telling  of  the  work  of  the  three  missionaries,  "whereby 
it  appeared  that  God  had  greatly  blessed  their  ministry  there, 
so  as  the  people's  hearts  were  much  inflamed  with  desire  after 
the  ordinances,  and  though  the  state  did  silence  the  ministers, 
because  they  would  not  conform  to  the  order  of  England,  yet 
the  people  resorted  to  them  in  private  houses  to  hear  them  as 
before."2 

While  there  is  no  positive  evidence  that  Tompson  made 
Daniel  Gookin's  house  his  headquarters,  yet  it  is  more  than 
likely  that  such  was  the  case.  Certain  it  is  that  they  were 
closely  associated  at  this  time;  so  much,  at  least,  we  learn  from 
the  testimony  of  Cotton  Mather's  oft  quoted,  and  misquoted, 
doggerel: 

Hearers,  like  doves,  flocked  with  contentious  wing, 
Who  should  be  first,  feed  most,  most  homeward  bring, 
Laden  with  honey,  like  Hyblaean  bees, 
They  knead  it  into  combs  upon  their  knees. 

A  constellation  of  great  converts  there, 

Shone  round  him,  and  his  heavenly  glory  were. 

GOOKINS  was  one  of  these;  by  Thompson's  pains, 

Christ  and  New  England  a  dear  Gookins  gains.3 

It  is  easy  to  infer  too  much  from  this  utterance,  written 
fifty-five  years  after  the  occurrences  described,  and  eleven  years 

'Henning's  Statutes  at  Large,  i,  277. 

2  Winthrop,  ii,  116. 

3  Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  i,  440. 


7o  AN  UNWARRANTED  STATEMENT 

after  Daniel  Gookin's  death,  and  not  to  make  sufficient  allow- 
ance for  the  exigencies  of  metrical  composition.  The  assertion 
of  John  Fiske  that  Daniel  was  a  "brand  snatched  from  the 
burning,"  a  "wayward  son  .  .  .  whose  conversion  was  from 
worldliness  or  perhaps  devilry  rather  than  from  prelacy,"  is 
nothing  else  than  gratuitous  assumption.1 

Unquestionably  it  was  Tompson's  influence  that  induced 
Daniel  to  remove  to  Massachusetts.  To  the  same  source  also 
we  may  with  safety  attribute  a  strengthening  of  his  belief  in 
the  doctrines  of  the  Puritans  and  the  fanning  of  his  religious 
ardor  into  a  more  active  flame;  but,  as  he  was  one  of  the  fore- 
most signers  of  the  Nansemond  petition,  it  is  equally  certain 
that  he  was  already  a  convert  before  Tompson  set  foot  on 
Virginia  soil. 

After  the  passage  of  the  act  of  conformity,  Virginia  was  no 
longer  an  agreeable  place  for  Daniel  Gookin  to  live,  and  he 
soon  began  to  plan  for  removal.  Accompanied  by  Tompson 
and  others,  Daniel  first  emigrated,  in  the  summer  of  1643,  to 
the  neighboring  colony  of  Maryland,  where  he  acquired  land 
in  the  vicinity  of  South  and  Severn  Rivers,  near  the  site  of 
Annapolis.2  Though  Lord  Baltimore  and  Governor  Calvert 
were  Papists,  the  newcomers  were  not  looked  upon  by  them 
as  intruders,  but  were  welcomed  as  most  desirable,  and  Tomp- 
son labored  on  in  the   colony  until  the  latter  part  of  1648, 

'Old  Virginia  and  Her  Neighbors,  i,  304. 

Professor   Fiske  appears  to   have  derived  his  "inspiration"  from   "A  Puritan 
Colony  in  Maryland,"  by  Daniel  R.  Randall,  printed  in  "Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Stud- 
ies," 4th  Ser.,  No.  6,  p.  10.     It  would  be  difficult  to  cite  a  better  illustration  of  the 
danger  of  drawing  upon  the  imagination  for  one's  facts  than  is  furnished  by  the 
following  extract:     "But  still  Thompson  labored  on  among  his  many  converts.    Of 
these,  Daniel  Godkin  or  Gookin  the  wayward  son  of  a  good  old  Puritan  of  that  name, 
was  the  most  incorrigible.     However,  the  Rev.  Thompson's  public  teaching  and 
private  expostulation  converted  him  so  completely  from  his  evil  ways  that  the  good 
people  were  a  little  skeptical  of  his  sincerity,  and  Daniel  left  the  home  of  his  fathers, 
changed  his  name  to  Gookin,  and  went  to  Boston,  there  to  signalize  himself  by  his 
good  works.      Mather  celebrated  Thompson's'work  and  particularly  this  wonderful 
conversion  by  writing  thereon  a  poem,  of  which  I  quote  a  stanza: 
A  constellation  of  great  converts  there 
Shone  round  him,  and  his  heavenly  glory  wear; 
Godkin  was  one  of  them;  by  Thompson's  pains 
Christ  and  New  England  a  dear  Godkin  gains." 
Thus  too  of  ten  is  so-called  history  written. 

2  Terra  Marias,  by  Edward  D.  Neill,  p.  79. 


REMOVAL  TO  NEW  ENGLAND  71 

"winning  golden  opinions  by  his  quiet,  conservative,  and  Chris- 
tian course."1 

Notwithstanding  the  welcome  accorded  him  and  the  toler- 
ation displayed  by  Governor  Calvert  in  protecting  all  settlers 
in  their  conscientious  scruples,  a  short  stay  convinced  Daniel 
that  Maryland,  under  Papist  rule,  was  not  the  place  for  him. 
Moreover  Massachusetts  held  out  the  powerful  attraction  of 
life  in  a  Puritan  community,  where  he  would  be  surrounded 
by  others  holding  like  views  with  himself,  and  thither,  "having 
his  affection  strongly  set  on  the  truths  of  Christ  and  his  pure 
Ordinances,"2  he  made  up  his  mind  to  go.  The  sudden  death 
of  his  brother  John,  at  Lynn  Haven  early  in  November,  1643, 
by  breaking  the  strongest  tie  that  bound  him  to  Virginia,  made 
this  decision  all  the  easier.  So,  about  the  beginning  of  May, 
1644,  leaving  his  three  plantations  in  the  charge  of  servants, 
with  his  wife  and  infant  daughter3  he  set  sail  for  Boston. 
While  they  were  engaged  in  their  preparations  for  leaving, 
Virginia  was  plunged  into  desolation  by  the  great  Indian  Mas- 
sacre of  April  18,  when  so  many  of  the  colonists  lost  their 
lives.  The  news  of  this  disaster  Daniel  was  the  first  to  carry 
to  New  England. 

1  Terra  Mariae,  p.  81. 

'Johnson's  Wonder-Working  Providence  of  Zion's  Saviour  in  New  England, 
p.  109. 

3  Samuel,  his  first-born,  had  died  before  this  time. 


CHAPTER  VII 


HE  ship  that  bore  Daniel  Gookin  and  his  fam- 
ily to  New  England  arrived  at  Boston  May  20, 
1644.  Only  with  difficulty,  and  bearing  in  mind 
the  absorption  of  the  seventeenth  century  men 
in  their  religious  views,  can  we,  in  these  days  of 
universal  toleration  and  faiths  lightly  held,  con- 
ceive the  joy  that  Daniel  must  have  felt  when  he 
found  himself  breathing  the  air  of  a  community  where  the 
Puritan  Church  and  the  civil  state  had  been  "planted  and 
growne  up  (like  two  twinnes)  together  like  that  of  Israel  in 
the  wilderness."1  His  reception  could  not  well  have  been 
more  cordial.  On  May  26,  six  days  after  his  landing,  he  was 
admitted  to  the  First  Church  in  Boston,  and  on  May  29,  only 
three  days  later,  he  was  made  a  freeman.  It  was  very  uncom- 
mon for  one  to  be  allowed  to  take  his  oath  so  soon  after 
arriving  within  the  jurisdiction,  and  the  unusual  honours  plainly 
evince  that  Daniel's  reputation  had  preceded  him.  Without 
doubt  it  was  his  kindness  to  the  missionaries  in  Virginia  and 
their  reports  of  his  zeal  and  piety  that  gained  him  this  distinc- 
tion. He  was  now  in  his  thirty-second  year,  tall  in  stature  and 
robust  in  physique;  in  bearing  grave  and  dignified.  Though 
a  Puritan  of  the  Puritans,  stern  and  uncompromising  in  mat- 
ters of  religion,  the  dominating  notes  in  his  character  were  his 
tenderness  of  heart  and  compassion,  and  his  abiding  sense  of 

^'The  Book  Of  General  Lauues  And  Libertyes  Concerning  The  Inhabitants 
Of  The  Massachusets. "     Cambridge,  1648. 

72 


FRIENDSHIP  WITH  JOHN  ELIOT  73 

justice.  To  such  a  nature  selfish  striving  for  his  own  advance- 
ment was  impossible.  No  man  could  be  more  tenacious  of 
his  rights,  or  could  more  stoutly  uphold  them  when  called  in 
question.  But  what  he  insisted  upon  for  himself,  he  freely 
accorded  to  others, —  even  to  the  despised  red  men,  for  whose 
advancement  he  laboured  so  unceasingly  to  the  end  of  his  days. 
The  records  of  the  First  Church  in  Boston,  of  which  Rev. 
John  Cotton  was  the  pastor,  show  that  "Mrs.  Mary  Gookin, 
or  brother  Captaine  Gookin's  wife  "was  admitted  as  a  member 
on  October  12,  1644.  With  this  church  Daniel  and  Mary 
continued  their  affiliation  until  their  removal  to  Cambridge, 
nearly  four  years  later.  During  most,  if  not  all  of  the  inter- 
vening time,  their  residence  was  in  Roxbury,  where  they  were 
near  neighbors  of  Rev.  John  Eliot,  the  famous  pastor  of  the 
First  Church  of  that  town,  justly  renowned  as  the  "Apostle" 
to  the  Indians  of  New  England.  It  is  not  improbable  that 
Eliot  may  have  influenced  Daniel  in  selecting  Roxbury  as  his 
place  of  abode.  However  that  may  be,  a  close  friendship 
soon  grew  up  between  them  which  continued  unbroken  to  the 
end  of  Daniel's  life,  and  was  cemented  by  many  years  of 
labour  together  in  the  service  of  the  Lord.  They  were  not 
far  apart  in  age,  Eliot  being  only  eight  years  the  elder,  and 
they  had  much  in  common  besides  their  adhesion  to  the  same 
religious  tenets.  Both  were  men  of  broad  views,  in  many  ways 
open-minded  for  their  day  and  generation;  both  were  simple 
in  their  lives  and  of  the  serene  temper  that  conquers  many 
difficulties;  both  had  the  rare  gift  of  sympathy  combined  with 
calmness  of  judgement.  Austere  and  intolerant  in  matters  of 
doctrine  they  undoubtedly  were,  but  in  that  they  were  only  the 
product  of  their  age.  Toleration,  as  then  conceived,  was  a  sin 
of  the  first  magnitude.  It  is  the  child  of  doubt,  and  in  the  sev- 
enteenth century  few  men  had  any  doubt  whatever  that  they 
were  right  in  their  religious  beliefs,  and  that  those  who  differed 
from  them  were  as  certainly  wrong.  The  prevailing  view  was 
well  formulated  by  Nathaniel  Ward.  "Every  toleration  of  false 
religions  or  opinions,"  he  wrote,  "hath  as  many  errors  and  sins 
in  it  as  all  the  false  religions  and  opinions  it  tolerates."1    Reli- 

1  Simple  Cobler  of  Agawam,  p.  8. 


74      THE  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY 

gious  persecution  was  the  natural  sequence.  The  men  of  New 
England  did  not  mean  to  be  cruel  and  uncharitable,  but  in  their 
eyes  the  dissemination  of  unsound  doctrine  was  monstrous 
iniquity,  destructive  alike  to  the  souls  of  men  and  to  the  king- 
dom of  God  upon  earth.  And  so,  while  they  recognized  the 
impossibility  of  coercing  belief,  they  nevertheless  felt  it  their 
bounden  duty  to  inflict  dreadful  penalties  upon  the  unor- 
thodox. 

The  New  England  of  Eliot  and  Gookin  was  essentially  a 
theocracy.  Religion  filled  men's  thoughts  and  was  regarded 
as  the  only  real  concern  in  life.  Church  and  state  were  not 
merely  linked  together;  they  were  one  and  the  same,  for  the 
Church  was  the  State.  Citizenship  was  conferred  upon  those 
only  who  had  received  baptism  and  the  Lord's  supper.  The 
ministers  were  the  most  influential  men  in  the  colony,  the  most 
respected  and  beloved.  The  esteem  in  which  they  were  held 
was  well  deserved.  They  were,  indeed,  a  singularly  able  and 
learned  body  of  men,'who  strove  with  all  their  might  to  exem- 
plify in  their  lives  the  purifying  effect  of  the  doctrines  they 
preached.  Such  men  as  John  Cotton,  Thomas  Shepard,  John 
Eliot,  Thomas  Hooker,  Nathaniel  Ward,  Richard  Mather, 
Roger  Williams,  Davenport,  Chauncey,  Norton,  Dunster, — 
scholars  all,  and  many  of  them  graduates  of  Cambridge  and 
Oxford, — would  have  been  notable  in  any  environment.  To 
the  members  of  their  flocks  their  interminable  prayers  and 
long-drawn-out  sermons  afforded  not  merely  spiritual  sol- 
ace and  refreshment;  they  were  a  source  of  keen  intellectual 
pleasure  as  well,  and  to  a  large  extent  filled  the  place  that 
in  modern  life  is  occupied  by  secular  entertainments.  "Mr. 
Torrey  stood  up  and  prayed  near  two  hours,  but  the  time 
obliged  him  to  close,  to  our  regret,"  wrote  a  Harvard  grad- 
uate,1 "and  we  could  have  gladly  heard  him  an  hour  longer." 
Learning  was  held  in  high  esteem.  Not  only  the  clergy,  but 
many  of  the  leaders  among  the  laity,  as  the  elder  and  younger 
Winthrop,  Thomas  Dudley,  Simon  Bradstreet,  William  Brew- 
ster, William    Bradford,  John   Pynchon,  John    Haynes,  and 

'Quoted  by  J.  L.  Sibley,  Harv.  Grad.,  566. 


RESIDENCE  IN  ROXBURY  75 

Daniel  Gookin,  were  men  of  education.  "Probably  no  other 
community  of  pioneers  ever  so  honoured  study,  so  reverenced 
the  symbols  and  instruments  of  learning.  Theirs  was  a  social 
structure  with  its  corner-stone  resting  on  a  book."1  Work 
and  food  were  plentiful,  luxuries  were  few;  plain  living  and 
high  thinking  came  nearer  being  the  standard  than,  perhaps, 
they  have  ever  been  elsewhere. 

Little  is  known  about  Daniel's  occupations  during  the  three 
or  more  years  of  his  residence  in  Roxbury.  He  was  one  of 
the  founders  of  the  free  grammar  school  established  in  the 
summer  or  autumn  of  1645.2  Drake  says  he  was  a  deputy 
from  Roxbury  to  the  General  Court.3  If  so,  the  records  of 
the  Court  fail  to  show  that  he  attended  any  of  the  sessions 
of  that  body.  This,  perhaps,  is  accounted  for  by  absence  in 
Maryland  or  Virginia.  The  business  of  his  plantations  in  the 
southern  colonies  appears  to  have  occupied  his  attention  for 
some  time  after  his  removal  to  Massachusetts,  and  to  have 
occasioned  at  least  one  voyage  to  the  river  James.  In  a  letter 
from  the  elder  Winthrop  to  his  son,  dated  Boston,  May  14, 
1647,  he  says: 

"Here  came  in  this  morning  a  ship  from  Virginia  with 
captain  Gookin  and  some  others.  She  was  bought  by  him  [of] 
the  governour  there.  She  came  out  ten  days  since,  and  we 
hear  by  her,  that  Mr.  Whiting's  pinnace  is  safe  there,  and 
another  of  Connecticut."4 

Not  unlikely  the  voyage  to  Virginia  was  for  the  purpose 
of  trade,  and  on  the  return  trip  he  may  have  carried  to  Boston 
the  corn  and  tobacco  grown  upon  his  plantations.  On  April  6 
of  the  next  year,  1648,  he  sold  five  hundred  acres  of  the  planta- 
tion on  the  Rappahannock  River  to  Captain  Thomas  Burbage. 
How  long  he  continued  to  own  and  cultivate  the  remaining 
nine  hundred  acres  and  the  larger  plantation  on  the  Nanse- 
mond  has  not  been  ascertained.  The  Maryland  plantation 
was  still  in  his  possession  in  1655,  when  Jacob  Warrow  and 

Closes  Coit  Tyler,  Hist,  of  Am.  Literature,  i,  99. 

4 Ellis,  Hist,  of  Roxbury  Town,  p.  37. 

3F.  S.  Drake,  The  Town  of  Roxbury,  Its  Memorable  Persons  and  Places,  p.  190. 

4 Savage's  Winthrop,  ii,  432. 


jG  THE  SOUTH  RIVER  PLANTATION 

another  of  his  negro  servants  were  murdered  by  two  Indians, 
who  were  afterward  apprehended  and  brought  to  justice.  At 
the  trial,  "Mary,  the  servant  who  had  escaped,  notwithstand- 
ing the  severity  of  her  wound,  was  the  chief  witness.  But 
Warcosse,  the  Emperor,  had  sent  down  to  St.  Mary's  some 
articles  found  in  possession  of  the  suspected  Indians,  and 
which  it  was  known  had  belonged  to  Captain  Gookins.  And 
the  Indians,  who  spoke  through  interpreters,  confessed  at  the 
trial  they  were  present  at  the  murder — at  one  moment  admit- 
ting, at  the  next  denying,  their  guilt,  'fearful  and  desiring'  says 
the  record, 'to  conceal  it.'  They  were  convicted,  sentenced, 
and  executed  on  the  same  day."1 

One  other  mention  of  Captain  Gookin  in  connection  with 
the  South  River  plantation  is  found  in  contemporary  records. 
When,  in  March,  1654/5,  William  Stone,  who  had  resigned  as 
Governor  of  Maryland  under  Lord  Baltimore  the  preceding 
July,  organized  an  armed  force  against  the  existing  authorities 
and  arrived  off  the  mouth  of  the  river  Severn  with  two  hun- 
dred men  in  twelve  boats,  he  chased  a  small  New  England 
trading  vessel  belonging  to  Captain  Gookin,  which  was  in 
charge  of  Captain  John  Cutts,  and  fired  several  shots  at  her.2 

On  May  29  of  this  year,  1655,  a  suit  "betweene  Elias  Park- 
man,  plaintiffe,  &  Capt.  Dann.  Gookin  defendant,  in  reference 
to  the  said  Parkman's  voyage  to  Virginia,"  was  decided  by  the 
General  Court  of  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  The  rec- 
ord says:  "The  Court,  on  hearing  of  the  case  and  all  parties 
concerned  therein,  doe  judge  that  although  there  were  five 
persons,  old  &  young,  shipt  aboard  the  said  Parkman  by  the 
defendent,  yett,  in  regard  two  of  them  were  very  young  he  shall 
be  allowed  for  transporting  three  persons  and  a  halfe  only  the 
some  of  seven  pounds,  and  for  a  parcel!  of  goods  which  he  car- 
ried twenty  shillings ;  of  wch  fower  pounds  tenn  shillings  is  found 
paid  in  a  parcell  of  tobacco;  but  nothing  due  to  the  plaintf  for 
the  fower  thousand  of  bread  wch  was  shipt  on  another  vessell; 
so  that  the  Court  finds  for  the  plaintiff  three  pounds  tenn  shil- 
lings, and  two  pounds  five  shillings  and  eight  pence  costs." 

1  George  Lynn  Lachlan  Davis,  in  "The  Day  Star  of  Freedom,"  Baltimore,  1858. 

2  E.  D.  Neill,  Terra  Marias,  123. 


AN  INEFFICIENT  FOREMAN  77 

Fifteen  years  later  Daniel  was  still  interested  in  the  coast- 
ing trade.  The  town  of  Cambridge,  on  November  14,  1670, 
"Granted  to  the  owners  of  the  Ketches  that  are  to  [be] 
builded  in  the  town  liberty  to  fell  timber  upon  the  common 
for  the  building  of  the  said  Ketches."  The  owners  were 
Daniel  Goolcin,  Walter  Hastings,  and  Samuel  Champney.  In 
April,  1672,  they  recovered  ten  pounds  damage  and  costs  of 
court,  against  William  Carr,  for  unworkmanlike  conduct  in 
building  the  vessels,  which,  as  appears  from  the  County  Court 
Records,  were  of  thirty-five  and  twenty-eight  tons.  Small  as 
they  seem  to  us  nowadays,  it  appears  from  Randolph's  nar- 
rative that  more  than  two-thirds  of  all  the  vessels  owned  in 
the  colony  in  1676  ranged  in  size  from  six  to  fifty  tons.  A 
curious  deposition  relating  to  Carr's  delinquency  is  in  posses- 
sion of  the  compiler  of  this  history.  It  is  in  the  handwriting 
of  Captain  Gookin. 

David  Fiske  Aged  about  49:  yeares  beeing  sworen  saith  that  hee 
wrought  wth  William  Carr  upon  the  vessells  built  by  him  in  Cambridge 
about  4  months  in  the  winter  1670  5c  I  Do  say  &:  Affirme  y*  William 
Carr  master  of  the  worke  Did  not  follow  his  worke  diligently  him  selfe 
nor  improue  5c  imploy  the  hands  y'  wrought  wlh  him  Wh  was  not  less 
than  six  or  seauen  som  times;  and  in  particuler  when  hee  had  sett  out  a 
peece  of  worke  to  hew  or  fitt  hee  would  Repaire  under  the  shed  5:  sitt  & 
smoke  5c  when  ye  worke  was  done  the  workmen  were  faine  to  goe  5c  call 
him  to  sett  out  more  worke;  Si  the  whilst  hee  did  it  they  were  faine  to 
stand  still  wch  was  an  occasion  of  loss  of  much  time,  wheras  hee  might 
easily  have  prepared  worke  ready  against  the  other  was  done  also  I  do 
further  Afirme  y*  hee  the  said  Carr  did  seldome  while  I  was  their  Do  an 
hours  worke  or  two  in  a  day  wth  his  owne  hands.  And  also  I  do  say  yl 
1  saw  him  order  the  cutting  of  the  best  oake  planks  in  the  yard  for  Rib- 
ben.     Further  hee  saith  not. 

Taken  upon  oath  this  I:  of  Aprill 
1672  before  me 

Daniel  Gookin 

Thomas  Longhorne  aged  about  51  saith  that  wch  is  aboue  written  is  Truth 
&i  further  hee  adds  y*  hee  being  sawier  in  the  yard  from  first  to  Last  doth 
Judge  that  the  owners  Are  damnified  about  10:  pounds  in  Respect  of 
the  timber  sawed  5c  gotten  for  the  vessells  that  lies  there  part  of  it  in  the 
yards  unused. 


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CHAPTER  VIII 


HE  General  Court,  on  March  7,  1643/4,  con- 
firmed to  the  town  of  Cambridge  a  conditional 
grant,  made  nearly  three  years  earlier,  of  "all  the 
land  lying  upon  Saweshin  Ryver,  and  between 
that  and  Concord  Ryver,  and  between  that  and 
Merrimack  Ryver,"  not  previously  granted  by 
the  Court.  This  territory,  then  designated  as 
Shawshine,  included  the  present  town  of  Billerica,  parts  of 
Bedford  and  Carlisle,  and  a  part  of  Tewksbury,  or  of  Chelms- 
ford, or  both.  No  general  division  of  the  land  was  made 
before  1652,  but  a  number  of  grants  were  made  to  individ- 
uals. The  earliest  of  these  was  on  April  9,  1648,  when,  at  a 
general  meeting  the  whole  town,  having  had  "special  warn- 
ing to  meet  for  the  disposing  of  Shawshine,"  one  thousand 
acres  were  set  aside  "for  the  good  of  the  church,"  and  "also 
there  was  granted  to  several  brethren  that  had  no  house-rights 
in  the  town,  if  they  did  desire  it,"  farms  at  Shawshine: — 
"Imprimis,  Capt.  Googine  a  farm,  if  he  buy  a  house  in 
the  town." 

If  this  were  intended  to  help  a  wavering  decision  it  seems 
to  have  accomplished  its  purpose.  A  house  was  bought  from 
Edward  Collins.  It  stood  on  the  easterly  side  of  Crooked 
street  (now  Holyoke  street)  about  a  hundred  feet  south  of 
Braintree  street  (now  Harvard  street),  on  the  site  now  occu- 
pied by  the  club  house  of  the  Hasty  Pudding  Club.  The 
removal  from   Roxbury  may  have  antedated  the  promise  of 

78 


REMOVAL  TO  CAMBRIDGE  79 

the  farm.1  More  probably  it  took  place  toward  the  end  of 
the  summer.  The  records  of  the  First  Church  in  Boston 
contain  this  entry:  "The  3d  Day  of  ye  7th  Month  1648,  our 
brother  Captaine  Gookin  and  or  Sister  Mrs.  Mary  Gookin 
his  wife,  were  according  to  their  owne  Desires  wth  ye  Consent 
of  ye  Church  by  their  silence  dismissed  to  ye  church  at  Cam- 
bridge and  to  haveTres  accordingly."  Daniel  had  now  reached 
the  age  of  thirty-six.  At  the  time  of  his  removal  to  Cam- 
bridge his  family  consisted  of  his  wife  and  his  daughters, 
Mary  aged  about  six,  and  Elizabeth  aged  two.  A  third  daugh- 
ter, born  in  Roxbury  the  preceding  year,  had  lived  not  quite 
three  months. 

The  farm  at  Shawshine  was  granted  in  April,  1649,  when 
at  a  town  meeting  it  was  agreed  "that  Mr.  Henry  Dun- 
ster,  President  of  Harvard  College,  should  have  500  acres, 
whereof  4CK)  is  granted  by  the  town  to  his  own  person  and 
heirs,  to  enjoy  freely  forever,  and  the  other  100  acres  for  the 
use  of  Harvard  College.  Item,  unto  Mr.  Daniell  Googine  500 
acres." 

When  Daniel  became  a  resident  of  Cambridge  the  train- 
band was  in  charge  of  the  ensign,  John  Stedman.  In  1645  its 
Captain,  George  Cooke,  had  returned  to  England  to  take  serv- 
ice on  the  side  of  the  Parliament  in  the  great  civil  war,  and 
the  General  Court  had  deputed  his  brother  Joseph  "to  take 
care  of  the  company"  during  his  absence,  but  had  relieved 
him  from  this  duty  in  November,  1647.  The  date  of  Daniel 
Gookin's  appointment  does  not  appear  upon  the  records,  but 
he  was  probably  made  Captain  soon  after  he  removed  to  the 
town.  This  command  he  held  for  nearly  forty  years,  being, 
as  Captain  Edward  Johnson  said  of  him,  "a  very  forward 
man  to  advance  Marshal  discipline,  and  withal  the  truths  of 
Christ."2  The'iractice  pthen  prevailed  for  a  Captain  to  retain 
command  of  his  company,  however  highly  promoted,  so  long 
as  he  remained  in  office,  the  immediate  command  being  exer- 
cised by  the  Lieutenant.  Thus,  while  in  later  years  Daniel 
was  made   Serjeant-Major  and  afterward  Major-General,  he 

'This  is  the  view  held  by  Paige,  Hist.  Cambridge,  p.  398,  note. 
2  Wonder  Working  Providence,  Ed.  Poole,  192. 


80  CAMBRIDGE  NEIGHBORS 

was  still  Captain  of  the  Cambridge  Company  and  seems  to 
have  been  rather  indiscriminately  addressed  as  such,  even  after 
he  had  attained  the  higher  rank. 

Easily  the  most  distinguished  resident  of  Cambridge,  when 
Daniel  Gookin  went  there  to  live,  was  the  minister,  Rev. 
Thomas  Shepard,  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  New  Eng- 
land clergy,  and  a  man  renowned  not  only  for  his  learning  and 
his  skill  as  a  preacher  but  for  his  clear  judgement,  sagacity  and 
foresight.  His  house  on  Braintree  street  was  but  a  short 
distance  from  Daniel's,  and  the  two  men  formed  a  close  friend- 
ship which,  however,  was  soon  cut  short  by  Shepard's  sudden 
death,  in  August,  1649.  This  event  caused  general  lamen- 
tation and  gloom  throughout  the  colony,  but  was  particularly 
felt  by  the  members  of  his  congregation,  and  by  none  more 
keenly,  it  may  safely  be  said,  than  by  his  friend  and  neigh- 
bor Daniel  Gookin.1  Others  of  Daniel's  especial  friends  in 
those  early  days  were  Deacon  Richard  Champney,  the  thrifty 
Ruling  Elder  of  the  Cambridge  Church,  who  lived  almost 
directly  opposite  him  on  Holyoke  street,  and  Edmund  Frost, 
the  other  Ruling  Elder,  of  pious  memory,  but  not  gifted 
with  the  worldly  wisdom  of  his  associate.  Besides  these  there 
were  Edward  Collins,  Edward  Jackson  and  his  brothers  John 
and  Richard,  Edward  Goffe,  and  Edmund  Angier,  all  men  of 
substance  and  weight  in  the  town.  But  the  closest  and  most 
enduring  friendship  was  that  formed  with  Thomas  Danforth, 
the  brilliant  and  forceful  young  man  of  twenty-six,  who,  when 
Daniel  settled  in  Cambridge,  had  already  been  for  three  years 
Selectman  and  Town  Clerk, —  offices  which  he  held  for  many 
years  until  the  duties  of  the  higher  positions  to  which  he 
was  called  made  it  necessary  to  relieve  him  of  the  burden  of 
these.  This  friendship  lasted  and  grew  closer  and  stronger 
as  long  as  Daniel  lived.  It  was  founded  on  a  community  of 
ideas  that  held  the  two  men  firmly  together  in  time  of  stress 
when  they  worked  courageously  side  by  side  breasting  pop- 
ular clamour  until  in  the  end  they  overcame  it  and  finally 
turned  the  tide  in  their  favour. 

1  Shepard's  son,  Thomas,  afterward  the  minister  at  Charlestown,  who  was  a  lad  of 
fourteen  when  his  father  died,  chose  Daniel  Gookin  as  his  guardian. 


A  VISIT  TO  ENGLAND  81 

In  the  spring  of  1649  Daniel  was  chosen  as  Deputy  from 
Cambridge  to  the  General  Court,  held  in  Boston  May  2,  and 
on  the  4th  he  and  Captain  Prichard  were  appointed  a  commit- 
tee "to  draw  up  lawyes  for  womens  dowryes."  That  he  was 
not  re-elected  the  following  year  is  attributable  to  his  having 
been  called  to  England.  The  records  of  the  General  Court 
show  that  on  May  23,  and  again  on  May  30,  1650,  "Daniel 
Gookin,  Edward  Collins,  with  the  rest  of  the  overseers  &  ex" 
of  the  est.  of  Mr  Tho8  Sheppard,"  presented  a  petition  to  sell 
lands.  Daniel,  however,  had  probably  set  sail  before  this  time. 
He  was  in  London  in  July,  for  on  July  24  the  Council  of  State 
at  Westminster  ordered  the  issuance  of  "a  warrant  to  Daniel 
Gookin  to  export  to  New  England  30  barrels  of  powder,  10 
tons  of  shot  and  lead,  and  fifty  arms  for  the  use  of  the  planta- 
tion."1 This  seems  to  indicate  that  the  voyage  to  the  mother 
country  was  undertaken,  in  part  at  least,  upon  the  public  serv- 
ice. Though  the  king  had  been  brought  to  the  block  the 
year  before,  and  Cromwell  had  "pacified"  Ireland  with  fire  and 
sword,  and  a  temporary  calm  in  Scotland  had  been  brought 
about  by  the  capture  and  execution  of  Montrose,  and  in  Eng- 
land the  Puritans  were  clearly  in  the  ascendant,  it  was  still 
a  distracted  country  at  the  time  of  Daniel's  visit.  Having 
accomplished  the  business  that  took  him  thither,  or,  it  may  be, 
finding  that  little  could  be  done  under  existing  conditions,  and 
having,  it  may  be  assumed,  paid  visits  to  some  of  his  cous- 
ins, whom  he  had  not  seen  for  nine  years,2  he  took  the  earliest 
opportunity  of  returning  to  his  family.  That  he  had  been 
loath  to  leave  them  may  well  be  imagined,  for  his  son  Daniel 
was  born  during  his  absence. 

In  the  spring  of  165 1  Captain  Gookin  and  Mr.  Edward 
Jackson  were  returned  as  Deputies  from  Cambridge  to   the 

'Br.  Rec.  Office  Interregnum  Entry  Book,  xxxvi,  13. 

2These  cousins  were  the  only  relatives  he  then  had  left.  Samuel  Gookin,  son 
of  his  uncle  John,  was  in  London.  Thomas  Gookin,  son  of  his  uncle  Thomas,  lived 
in  Harbledown  near  Canterbury ;  John,  his  elder  brother,  the  lord  of  the  manor  of 
Ripple  Court,  was  a  royalist,  and  probably  living  in  Paris.  Vincent  Gookin,  son  of 
his  uncle  Vincent,  was  in  Ireland,  occupied  with  official  duties,  having  been  appointed 
by  Cromwell  one  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Revenue.  His  brother,  Captain 
Robert,  and  the  younger  children  of  Sir  Vincent  were  also  in  Ireland.  Besides  these 
some  of  the  daughters  of  Thomas  may  have  still  been  living. 


82  ELECTED  ASSISTANT 

General  Court.  When  the  Court  met,  on  May  7,  Daniel  was 
chosen  Speaker.  The  same  day  he  was  named  as  one  of 
a  committee  of  ten,  headed  by  Simon  Bradstreet,  "to  con- 
sider the  offences  on  doctrinal  points  by  Mr.  Marmaduke 
Mathewes,  hearing  to  be  June  11  next  at  the  Shipp  in  Bos- 
ton." On  the  22d  of  the  month  he  was  appointed  one  of  a 
committee  to  draw  up  instructions  for  the  Commissioners  of 
the  United  Colonies;  and  on  the  26th  he  was  placed  on  a 
committee  "to  draw  the  case  against  Mr.  Richard  Leader, 
accused  of  reproaching  and  slandering  the  Court."  In  1651 
he  was  also  chosen  Associate  for  the  County  Court,  held  at 
Cambridge. 

At  the  election  held  May  26,  1652,  Daniel  was  chosen  an 
Assistant,  or  one  of  the  Council  of  eighteen  magistrates  to 
whom,  with  the  Governor  and  the  Deputy  Governor,  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  colony  was  entrusted.  To  this  office  he  was 
re-elected  continuously  for  a  period,  of  thirty-five  years,  save 
only  in  1676  when  he  suffered  defeat  because  the  populace, 
maddened  by  the  Indian  war  then  raging,  misconstrued  his 
noble  care  of  the  friendly  Indians  and  included  him  with 
them  in  their  unreasoning  indignation.  The  functions  of  the 
Assistants  were  not  merely  executive.  They  acted  also  as 
judges,  being  assigned  from  time  to  time  to  hold  court  in 
various  places  within  the  jurisdiction.  Says  Cotton  Mather: 
"The  freemen  of  New  England  had  a  great  variety  of  worthy 
men  among  whom  they  might  chuse  a  number  of  Magistrates 
to  be  the  assistants  of  their  Governours,  both  in  directing  the 
general  affairs  of  the  land,  and  in  dispensing  of  justice  unto 
the  people."1  Having  mentioned  a  number  of  them,  and 
among  them  Daniel  Gookin,  he  goes  on  to  say,  "that  these 
names  are  proper  and  worthy  to  be  found  in  our  Church- 
History  will  be  acknowledged  when  it  is  considered,  not  only 
that  they  were  the  members  of  Congregational  churches,  and 
by  the  members  of  the  churches  chosen  to  be  the  rulers  of 
the  Commonwealth;  and  that  their  exemplary  behaviour  in 
their  magistracy  was  generally  such  as  to 'adorn  the  doctrine 

1Magnalia,  i,  141. 


CATECHIZES  PRAYING  INDIAN  83 

of  God  our  Saviour,'  and,  according  to  the  old  Jewish  wishes 
(tr.  It  is  forbidden  to  man  to  rule  like  a  prince  over  people, 
and  with  a  proud  spirit;  he  should  exercise  authority  in  meek- 
ness and  fear)  but  also  that  their  love  to,  and  zeal  for  and  care 
of  these  churches  was  not  the  least  part  of  their  character." 

Few  details  about  Captain  Gookin's  life  during  the  year 
1652  have  come  down  to  us.  His  son  Samuel  was  born  in 
April,  bringing  the  number  of  his  living  children  up  to  four. 
From  a  curious  tract,  printed  in  London  in  that  year,  entitled 
"Strength  out  of  Weaknesse;  or  a  Glorious  Manifestation,"  it 
appears  that  before  this  date  Daniel  had  entered  upon  the 
work  of  assisting  John  Eliot  in  his  efforts  to  Christianize  the 
Indians.  In  this  tract  is  printed  "a  private  passage  from  one 
in  New  England  to  his  godly  Friend  here,  who  was  so  much 
affected  therewith,  as  he  found  out  our  Treasurer  of  the  Cor- 
poration, by  name  Mr.  Richard  Floyd  at  the  Meremaide  in 
Cheapside,  and  desired  it  might  be  published  to  the  world." 
Having  related  questions  asked  of  a  Praying  Indian,  the  nar- 
rative proceeds: 

By  this  time  Captaine  Gooking  came  to  us,  and  he  asked  him  this 
Question : 

Q.  What  he  would  thinke  if  he  should  finde  more  affliction  and 
trouble  in  God's  wayes,  then  he  did  in  the  way  of  Indianisme. 

A.  His  answer  was,  when  the  Lord  did  first  turne  me  to  himselfe 
and  his  wayes,  he  stripped  mee  as  bare  as  my  skinne,  and  if  the  Lord  should 
strip  mee  as  bare  as  my  skinne  againe,  and  so  big  Saggamore  should  come  to 
mee,  and  say,  I  will  give  you  so  big  Wampum,  so  big  Beaver,  and  leave 
this  way,  and  turne  to  us  againe :  I  would  say,  take  your  riches  to  your 
selfe,  i  would  never  forsake  God  and  his  wayes  againe. 

This  is  a  relation  taken  by  myselfe, 

William  French1 

For  some  reason,  not  explained  in  the  record,  Daniel  did 
not  attend  the  session  of  the  General  Court  on  May  18,  1653, 
when  he  was  for  the  second  time  chosen  Assistant.  His 
absence  may  have  been  due  to  indisposition,  but  whatever  the 
cause  it  was  of  short  duration,  for  on  June  2  he  was  placed  on 
a  committee  to  consider  a  petition  by  the  inhabitants  of  Ded- 

*The  tract  in  which  this  appears  is  reprinted  in  Mass.  Hist.Soc.  Colls.,  Ser.  3, 
Vol.  iv. 


84  SERVICE  ON  COMMITTEES 

ham.  Later  in  the  year  he  was  one  of  those  appointed  to 
examine  the  state  of  Harvard  College.  He  was  also  on  a 
committee  which  considered  a  remonstrance  made  by  twenty- 
nine  of  the  men  of  Woburn,  who  wished  to  be  allowed  to 
have  a  minister  who  would  preach  certain  doctrines  that  had 
become  ruling  views  with  them,  and  which  afterward  caused 
them  to  remove  to  Rhode  Island. 


CHAPTER  IX 


APTAIN  GOOKIN  was  for  the  third  time 
elected  Assistant  on  May  3,  1654,  and  was  pres- 
ent at  the  meeting  of  the  Court  held  that  day. 
Thereafter  we  lose  track  of  his  movements  for 
more  than  a  year.  The  probability  is  that  dur- 
ing the  summer  or  autumn  he  sailed  for  Eng- 
land, whither  he  was  called  by  personal  business, 
which  apparently  was  an  effort  to  secure  the  property  left  by 
his  elder  brother  Edward  Gookin,  of  whose  estate  he  was  on 
July  3,  1655,  appointed  administrator.  It  was  necessary  in 
those  days  to  take  passage  when  and  as  opportunity  offered 
and  it  may  be  that  Daniel  had  to  leave  home  before  the  birth 
of  his  son  Solomon,  who  came  into  the  world  on  June  20,  but 
lived  less  than  a  month,  dying  on  July  16.  Whether  his  depart- 
ure was  shortly  before,  or  not  long  after  these  events,  we  may 
be  sure  that  he  went  away  reluctantly  and  with  an  anxious 
heart,  but  sustained  by  his  abiding  faith  that  his  dear  ones 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  ever-living  God.  He  had  reason, 
too,  to  feel  that  he  could  rely  upon  the  prudence  and  judge- 
ment of  his  wife  Mary,  and  that  good  friends  and  neighbors 
would  be  ready  to  look  after  her  and  the  children  in  case  of 
need. 

The  interval  since  Daniel's  last  visit  to  London  had  wit- 
nessed many  changes.  Cromwell  had  been  proclaimed  Pro- 
tector, and  now,  for  the  first  time  in  fourteen  years,  an  election 
had  been  held,  and  the  first  Protectorate  Parliament  was  in 


86  CROMWELL'S  JAMAICA  PROJECT 

session.  Among  its  members  was  Daniel's  cousin,  Vincent 
Gookin,  who,  like  himself,  was  a  man  of  high  aims  and  unswerv- 
ing devotion  to  the  path  of  duty.  Vincent  was  then  in  the 
midst  of  his  struggle  in  opposition  to  the  Irish  transplanting. 
His  pamphlet,  "The  Great  Case  of  Transplantation  in  Ireland 
discussed,"  was  published  on  January  3, 1655,  and  in  the  storm 
which  it  awakened  Daniel  had  an  opportunity  of  observing 
how  much  moral  courage  is  required  to  withstand  popular 
clamour,  little  thinking  that  he  would  himself  have  to  undergo 
a  similar  experience  twenty  years  later. 

The  mind  of  Cromwell,  at  this  period,  was  much  occupied 
with  his  resolution  to  extend  the  power  of  England  beyond 
the  seas,  and  at  the  same  time,  by  striking  a  blow  at  the 
dominion  of  Antichrist,  to  further  the  welfare  of  "the  people 
of  God,"  whom  he  held  it  his  special  mission  to  protect.  At 
Christmastide  he  had  dispatched  Admiral  Penn  and  General 
Venables  on  their  ill-starred  expedition  to  wrest  the  West 
Indies  from  the  grasp  of  Spain.  Failing  miserably  in  their 
attack  upon  San  Domingo,  they  turned  their  attention  to 
Jamaica.  There  they  were  more  successful,  the  Spanish  gar- 
rison being  too  small  to  make  a  stand  against  even  such  a 
force  as  the  tattered  remnants  of  Venables'  army.  A  landing 
was  made  at  Kingston  on  May  10, 1655,  and  the  island  became 
an  English  possession. 

The  news  of  this  conquest  reached  Cromwell  on  August 
4,  in  a  letter  from  Venables.  Details  were  soon  forthcom- 
ing. Penn  arrived  at  Plymouth  on  September  1,  and  was  fol- 
lowed on  the  10th  by  his  associate  whom  he  had  supposed 
to  be  mortally  ill  when  he  left  for  home.  The  expedition  was 
a  bitter  disappointment  to  the  Protector.  The  acquisition  of 
Jamaica  afforded  small  consolation  for  the  failure  to  gain  such 
a  foothold  in  the  West  Indies  as  would  dominate  the  trade- 
route  of  the  Spanish  treasure  ships.  Still,  as  the  island  had  been 
taken  he  determined  to  hold  it.  The  English  garrison,  a  dis- 
organized and  cowardly  mob,  deserted  by  their  commander, 
could  not  be  relied  upon,  even  with  the  aid  of  the  reinforce- 
ments under  Major  Sedgwick  which  had  been  dispatched  as 
early  as  June  11,  when  the  news  of  the  Hispaniola  disaster 


DANIEL  GOOKIN'S  COMMISSION  87 

had  not  yet  reached  England.  The  need  was  for  planters, 
not  discontented  military  colonists.  In  the  efforts  made  to 
secure  these  no  time  was  lost.  Requests  were  sent  to  those 
in  authority  in  Scotland  and  Ireland  to  aid  by  sending  out 
young  persons  of  both  sexes, —  a  futile  proceeding,  as  it  for- 
tunately turned  out.  It  was  in  New  England  that  Cromwell 
thought  he  saw  the  most  immediate  source  of  supply.  Would 
not  many  of  the  settlers  in  the  rugged  land  of  the  North 
eagerly  embrace  the  opportunity  to  found  a  new  Puritan 
colony  in  a  sunnier  clime?  Would  not  the  husbandmen  of 
Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  be  attracted  by  the  more 
productive  soil?  Would  not  the  change  be  for  their  interest, 
as  well  as  for  that  of  the  mother  country?  Daniel  Gookin, 
then,  as  it  seemed,  providentially  in  England,  was  sent  for. 
Though  he  told  Cromwell  plainly  that  he  did  not  share  his 
views  and  was  dubious  as  to  the  outcome,  he  was  neverthe- 
less commissioned  to  urge  the  people  of  New  England  to 
transfer  themselves  to  Jamaica.  In  furtherance  of  this  mis- 
sion he  was  ordered  to  take  passage  for  Boston  on  a  vessel 
then  about  to  sail. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  know  in  what  way  Cromwell 
became  acquainted  with  Daniel.  His  acquaintance  with  Vin- 
cent Gookin  was  intimate  and  of  long  standing,  and  it  may  be 
that  Daniel  was  known  to  him  prior  to  this  visit  to  England. 
If  the  introduction  was  made  by  Vincent,  it  must  have  taken 
place  some  months  before  the  colonization  of  Jamaica  was 
thought  of,  for  he  left  London  for  Ireland  early  in  July  and, 
being  detained  en  route,  was  in  Milford  Haven  during  August 
and  half  of  September,  not  reaching  Dublin  until  toward  the 
end  of  the  month. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of  State,  on  September  21, 
1655,  the  committee  for  Jamaica  was  ordered  to  confer  with 
Captain  Gookin  and  the  Treasurer  was  authorized  to  advance 
^300  to  defray  his  expenses.  At  another  meeting,  held  on  the 
26th,  Cromwell  presiding,  the  following  "Instructions  Given 
to  Mr  Daniell  Gookin  being  reported  from  ye  Comtes  of  the 
Counsell  to  whom  the  business  of  Jamaica  was  referred  were 
this  day   read  and  approved   and   ordered  to  be   offered  to 


88  CROMWELL'S  INSTRUCTIONS 

his    Highness    as  ye  advice   of   the   Counsell  wch  are  in   hoc 
verba." 

Instructions  given  unto  Mr  Daniell  Gookin. 

I.  You  shall  upon  the  receipt  of  these  Instructions  repaire  aboard 
the  Ketch  the  Fraternitie  bound  for  New  England  in  which  you  are  by 
the  blessing  of  God  to  take  your  passage  thither  where  being  arrived 

II.  You  shall  apply  your  selfe  to  the  Govern03  Magistrates  and  Gen- 
erall  Courts  of  the  English  Colonyes  or  to  such  Churches  Townes  or 
Persons  of  the  English  their  as  you  shall  find  to  be  for  the  advantage  of 
the  present  service,  and  acquaint  them  That  it  hath  pleased  God  to  put 
the  Island  of  Jamaica  in  America  into  the  hands  and  possession  of  this 
State.  The  army  sent  from  hence  into  those  parts  in  December  1654 
having  landed  at  the  Towne  called  Jago  De  la  beiga  the  tenth  of  May  and 
that  wee  are  assured  as  well  by  severall  Letters  from  thence  Dated  the 
25 ,h  of  July  last  as  by  Generall  Venables  and  Generall  Penn  the  first 
whereof  came  from  thence  the  25th  day  of  July  and  the  latter  the  25th  day 
of  June  That  our  fforces  are  in  the  full  possession  thereof  The  people 
who  were  found  upon  that  place  [the  number  whereof  were  about  1400] 
being  fled  to  the  hills  with  an  intention  to  get  over  to  some  other  parts 
of  the  King  of  Spaynes  Dominions  Save  that  some  of  the  Negroes  Por- 
tugueses and  others  doe  daily  submitt  themselves  to  our  Comannder  in 
Chiefe  there  to  be  by  him  Disposed  of. 

III.  You  shall  describe  unto  them  the  content,  situation  and  good- 
nesse  of  the  said  Island  as  the  same  is  expressed  in  the  Paper  now  delivered 
unto  you  which  Wee  received  from  our  officers  and  Commissioners  as 
also  the  plenty  of  horses  and  other  cattle  which  are  thereupon  and  you 
shall  alsoe  let  them  know  the  goodnesse  safetie  and  conveniences  for  Trade 
of  the  Harbor  where  our  men  now  are  fortifieing  and  of  other  Harbours 
that  are  in  that  Island. 

IV.  You  shall  assure  them  that  of  the  Army  which  landed  the  tenth 
of  May  their  are  between  six  and  seven  thousand  men  well  Armed  and 
that  since  that,  viz1  the  beginning  of  July  last  Wee  have  sent  from  hence 
another  Regiment  of  ffoote  Consisting  of  eight  hundred  souldiers  Drawn 
out  of  our  old  Regiments  with  provisions  of  Bread  and  other  necessaryes 
for  the  whole  army  for  eight  months  imbarqued  in  twelve  Shipps  Eight 
whereof  are  good  men  of  warr  w,h  which  Maior  Robert  Sedgwick  is  sent 
as  a  Comr  in  the  civill  affaires,  and  that  there  is  also  a  squadron  of  eleaven 
shipps  of  good  fforce  under  the  comannd  of  Vice  Adm"  Goodson  besides 
the  said  eight  Shipps  of  Warr  and  one  other  Shipp  of  war  of  countenance 
in  all  to  the  number  of  Twenty  with  other  Shipps  of  Burden  and  victual- 
lers, all  wch  are  appointed  to  remaine  in  those  Seas  and  attend  unto  that 
service. 

V.  You  shall  assure  That  Wee  shalle  through  the  blessing  of  God 
endeavor  to  defend  the  said  Island  against  all  attempts  whatsoever  and  for 
that  purpose  shall  Constantly  send  further  Supplies  both  of  men  and  ship- 


CROMWELL'S  INSTRUCTIONS  89 

ping  from  hence  as  likewise  of  bread  and  other  provisions  untill  the 
Island  is  able  to  supply  it  selfe.  Our  intention  being  if  the  Lord  Please 
to  have  a  good  ffleet  ahvaies  in  those  Seas. 

VI.  This  being  the  true  State  of  that  affaire  and  the  reality  of  our 
Intentions  therein  Wee  have  thought  it  expedient  to  send  you  into  the 
aforesaid  Colonies  and  people  to  explaine  and  Declare  these  things  unto 
them  and  to  make  them  an  offer  of  removing  themselves  or  such  numbers 
of  them  as  shalbe  thought  convenient  out  of  those  parts  where  they  now 
are  unto  Jamaica  which  Wee  have  done  chiefly  upon  these  ensueing 
reasons  amongst  many  others. 

1.  Our  desire  is  That  this  place  (if  the  Lord  so  please)  may  be 
inhabited  by  People  who  know  the  Lord  and  walke  in  his  ffeare  that  by 
their  light  they  may  enlighten  the  parts  about  them  which  was  a  choise 
end  of  our  undertaking  this  Designe,  and  might  alsoe  from  amongst 
them  have  persons  fitt  for  Rulers  and  Magistrates  who  may  be  an  encour- 
agem1  to  the  good  and  a  terror  to  the  evill  doers. 

2.  Out  of  Love  and  affection  to  themselves  and  the  fellow  feeling 
Wee  have  alwaies  had  of  the  difficulties  and  necessities  thay  have  been 
put  to  contest  with  ever  since  they  were  driven  from  the  Land  of  their 
Nativity  into  that  Desert  and  barren  Wildernes  for  their  Consciences 
sake  wch  wee  could  not  but  make  manifest  at  this  tyme  when  as  Wee 
thinke  an  oppertunity  is  offerred  for  their  enlargem'  and  removing  of 
them  out  of  a  hard  Countrye  into  a  Land  of  plenty. 

3.  Considering  that  God  by  His  providence  through  the  many 
difficulties  and  necessities  they  are  exercised  with  had  put  it  into  some 
of  their  hearts  to  seek  a  new  plantation  and  particularly  them  of  New 
Haven  who  (as  wee  are  informed)  are  upon  thoughts  of  removing  into 
the  Bay  of  De  La-Ware  and  that  the  Distance  between  New  England 
and  this  Island  is  not  soe  great  but  will  afford  a  greater  convenience  of 
Trade  and  correspondence  with  their  brethren  they  leave  behind  them 
then  the  Bay  before  mentioned,  Wee  have  thought  fitt  to  make  this 
offer  to  them  And  for  their  better  incouragement  therein  you  are  to  make 
to  them  these  following  Proppositions. 

1.  That  in  case  any  entire  Colony  or  Colonyes  or  a  Considerable 
number  of  Persons  will  transplant  themselves  thither  such  part  of  the 
Island  lying  next  some  good  Harbour  shalbe  set  out  unto  them  as  shalbe 
answerable  to  their  numb"  and  shalbe  graunted  to  them  and  their  heires 
for  ever  with  all  edifices  Horses  Cattle  tame  or  wyld,  ffisheries  woods 
Trees  fruits  and  Profitts  thereupon  the  same  not  being  alreadie  or  shall 
not  before  an  agreement  made  w,h  them  be  sett  forth  to  some  Planters 
To  be  held  in  free  and  Cofnon  Soccage  without  any  rent  for  the  first 
seaven  yeares  and  then  one  penny  an  Acre  and  noe  more. 

2.  That  they  shall  have  Libertie  graunted  to  them  for  the  Space  of 
seaven  yeares  to  hunt  take  and  Dispose  of  to  their  owne  use  such  horses 
and  other  Cattle  as  are  or  shalbe  upon  the  said  Island   the   same  not 


90  CROMWELL'S  INSTRUCTIONS 

being  marked  by  or  belonging  to  other  Planters  Subject  nevertheless 
to  Such  rules  and  Directions  as  to  their  hunting  and  takeing  of  Horses 
Cattle  and  other  Beasts  out  of  their  owne  bounds  and  lymitts  as  shall  from 
tyme  to  tyme  be  made  by  the  persons  authorized  for  manageing  the 
Affaires  of  the  said  Island. 

3.  That  His  Highness  will  Graunt  them  Letters  Patents  under  the 
Great  Seale  of  Incorporation  with  as  Large  Priviledges  and  Imunityes 
both  for  Chooseing  their  officers  and  otherwise  as  are  graunted  to  any 
Citye  or  towne  Corporate  within  the  Comonwealth  of  England. 

4.  That  neither  they  nor  their  servants  shall  without  their  owne 
Consent  be  drawne  out  into  the  Warrs  unless  it  be  in  case  of  Invasion 
or  Rebellion  and  for  the  defence  of  the  said  Island. 

5.  That  noe  Custome  excise  impost  or  other  duty  shalbe  sett  and 
imposed  for  the  Space  of  three  yeares  to  be  accompted  from  the  29th  Day 
of  Septembr  which  shalbe  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1656  upon  any  their 
goods  or  merchandizes  of  the  groth  production  or  manufacture  of  the 
said  Island  which  they  shall  transport  into  the  Comonwealth. 

6.  That  his  Highnesse  will  take  care  and  be  oblidged  to  appointe 
from  tyme  to  tyme  Such  a  Governor  and  Comander  in  chiefe  of  the  said 
Island  and  such  persons  to  assist  him  in  the  management  of  the  affaires 
thereof  as  shalbee  men  of  Integritye  and  feareing  God  and  that  he  will 
from  tyme  to  tyme  elect  and  constitute  some  from  amongst  them  to  be 
of  that  number  who  for  their  fidelitye  prudence  Godliness  and  honestie 
may  be  fitt  for  such  Trust  And  that  as  speedy  as  may  be  a  Civill  Gov- 
ernment shalbe  setled  agreeable  to  the  word  of  God,  and  as  far  as  the 
condition  of  that  place  will  admitt,  to  the  Lawes  of  England,  where  pro- 
vision shalbe  made  that  the  Churches  of  Christ  shall  have  liberty  and 
protection  in  all  waies  of  Godliness  and  Honestie. 

7.  That  towardes  the  transportation  of  themselves  their  Servants  and 
Estates  His  Highnes  will  furnish  them  with  Six  Shipps  of  convenient 
burden  if  they  desire  that  number  and  also  a  fitting  convoy,  They  under- 
taking to  victuall  Shipps  of  burden  from  the  tyme  the  said  Shipps  shall 
arrive  in  their  ports  for  the  purpose  aforesaid  untill  they  have  performed 
their  voyage. 

8.  As  to  the  quantity  and  proportion  of  Land  to  be  appointed  for 
them  according  to  the  first  Proposition  you  are  authorized  to  propound 
That  such  quantity  of  Land  shalbe  set  forth  as  will  answere  the  propor- 
tion of  twenty  Acres  for  every  Male  of  twelve  yeares  old  and  upwards 
and  ten  acres  Per  Poll  for  all  other  Male  or  female  to  be  transported  as 
aforesaid. 

9.  That  the  said  quantity  of  Land  shalbe  set  forth  unto  them  within 
Six  weeks  after  the  agreement  made  for  their  transportation  and  Significa- 
tion of  their  desires  on  that  behalfe  to  the  Comander  in  Chiefe  or  Com" 
intrusted  for  that  purpose  to  whom  you  shall  direct  yor  selfe  or  any  other 
persons  concerned  herein  in  prosecution  of  the  premises  or  any  part  of  them. 


CROMWELL'S  INSTRUCTIONS  91 

10.  That  they  doe  engage  to  transport  the  whole  number  of  Males 
for  wcb  twenty  Acres  to  each  is  to  be  set  forth  within  two  yeares  after  the 
aforesaid  Agreement  and  that  they  doe  begin  their  worke  of  transporting 
some  tyme  before  the  end  of  September  1656. 

11.  You  shall  from  tyme  to  tyme  as  you  have  opportunity  or  by 
an  expresse  if  you  find  it  necessary  send  unto  Us  in  writtng  a  particular 
Account  of  your  proceedings  upon  these  Instructions  and  of  what  else 
shall  occur  in  reference  thereunto  whereupon  you  shall  receive  Our  fur- 
ther directions  for  the  managem1  of  this  affaire  as  the  Case  shall  require 
and  such  agreem1  as  you  shall  make  in  the  meane  tyme  pursuant  to  these 
Instructions  Wee  shall  confirme  and  ratifie.1 

At  the  same  session  it  was  resolved: 

"That  it  be  referred  to  the  Com"  of  the  Admty  and  Navy  to  give 
order  for  a  fitt  ship  to  convoy  as  farr  and  beyond  the  Island  of  Scilly 
a  vessell  now  bound  for  New  England  wherein  Mr  Daniell  Gookin 
employed  in  the  States  Service  is  to  be  embarqued." 

interregnum  Entry  Book  civ,  304-306. 


CHAPTER  X 


ANIEL  entered  upon  his  employment  in  this 
affair  with  many  misgivings.  His  mission,  in- 
deed, was  foredoomed  to  failure  from  its  incep- 
tion. Not  only  were  important  considerations 
overlooked  in  the  hastily  formulated  instruc- 
tions, but  New  England  was  far  from  being  the 
barren  wilderness  that  Cromwell  supposed,  and, 
to  the  sturdy  colonists,  life  in  the  tropics  did  not  appear  so 
alluring  as  his  imagination  pictured  it.  Moreover,  any  leanings 
in  that  direction  they  might  have  entertained,  were  dispelled 
by  news  which  reached  them  of  the  melancholy  fate  of  the  sol- 
diers who  formed  the  Jamaica  garrison.  On  November  5, 
1655,  while  Daniel  Gookin  was  still  detained  in  England, 
Major  Sedgwick,  who  had  been  sent  out  with  the  fresh  regi- 
ment that  left  England  in  June  and  arrived  at  Kingston  Octo- 
ber 1,  sent  the  Protector  a  disheartening  report. 

"For  the  army,"  he  wrote,  "I  found  them  in  as  sad  and 
deplorable  and  distracted  condition  as  can  be  thought  of, 
and  indeed  think,  as  never  poor  Englishmen  were  in:  the 
commanders  —  some  dead,  some  sick,  and  some  in  indiffer- 
ent health:  the  soldiery — many  dead,  their  carcasses  lying 
unburied  in  the  highways  and  among  bushes  .  .  .  many  of 
them  that  were  alive  walked  like  ghosts  or  dead  men,  who,  as 
I  went  through  the  town,  lay  groaning  and  crying  out,  'Bread, 
for  the  Lord's  sake!' '  The  misfortunes  of  this  shiftless  and 
disorderly   rabble,  of  whom  Sedgwick  complained,  "Dig  or 

92 


A  TRYING  VOYAGE  93 

plant  they  neither  can  nor  will,  but  do  rather  starve  than 
work,"  though  due  to  their  own  improvidence  and  absolute 
neglect  of  all  sanitary  precautions,  was  attributed  by  them  to 
the  unhealthfulness  of  the  island. 

Though  Daniel's  instructions  were  issued  on  September 
26,  he  was  not  able  to  leave  England  until  about  the  10th  of 
November,  when  he  finally  set  sail.  The  Council  of  State 
passed  an  order  on  December  19  "for  the  payment  of  50J.  a 
day  demurrage  whilst  the  vessel  was  waiting  to  receive  Mr. 
Gookin  who  was  bound  to  New  England  on  the  Common- 
wealth service,"  and  on  May  15,  1656,  the  Admiralty  Com- 
missioners authorized  the  payment  to  Peter  Cole,  owner  of  the 
"Fraternity,"  of  17/.  10s.  for  seven  days'  demurrage,  pursuant 
to  said  order. 

The  winter  passage  across  the  Atlantic  in  a  small  craft  did 
not  prove  to  be  a  pleasure  trip.  The  words  "trying"  and 
"exercising"  which  Captain  Gookin  used  in  describing  it  indi- 
cate that  he  met  with  grave  peril  as  well  as  discomfort.  How- 
ever, the  voyage  was  safely  accomplished  at  last  and  on  January 
20,  1655/6,  the  Fraternity  arrived  at  Boston.  Two  days  later 
Daniel  wrote  Secretary  Thurloe  as  follows: 

DANIEL   GOOKIN    TO   SECRETARY   THURLOE 
S* 

In  obedience  to  your  cofnaunds,  these  are  to  give  acco*:  that  it  pleased 
the  Lord  two  dayes  since,  to  land  me  safe  in  New  England  after  ten  weekes 
of  an  exercising  passage  from  Isle  of  Wight,  and  here  finding  a  shipp 
readie  to  sett  saile  to  the  barbadoes,  and  some  persons  therin  to  passe  for 
England;  wch  opertunity  I  thought  it  expedient  to  take,  seeing  their  is  no 
probability  of  another  for  a  good  space.  It  is  little  yl  I  cann  at  prsent 
aquaint  yor  honor  wth  concerning  the  affaire  of  his  Highnes  cofnitted  to 
mee,  but  only  in  generall  some  principal  men  in  the  country  doe  well 
resent  the  designe  of  his  highnesse  &  I  doubt  not  but  will  promote  the 
same;  only  some  unworthy  persons  (that  came  from  thence,  have  as  I 
understand)  brought  up  an  evell  report  upon  the  Island  in  Respect  of  the 
unhelthfulnes  therof,  how  farr  it  may  be  prejudicial  I  cannot  yet  resolve, 
but  hope  not  much :  I  trust  (through  God's  assistance)  Not  to  be  want- 
ing in  my  duty,  and  to  give  you  full  information  as  things  Ripen,  woh  I 
desire  the  Lord  to  accomplish  to  his  owne  Glory  and  His  Highneses  satis- 
faction. So  with  my  humble  services  &  harty  praiers  that  the  Lord  would 
Bless  &  prosper  all  yor  waighty  affaires;  desiring  excuse  for  this  abrupt  & 


94  FIRST  REPORT  TO  THURLOE 

scribled  letter,  beeing  surprised  through  shortnes  of  time,  humbly  takeing 
leave,  I  Remaine 

Your  humble  servant 
Boston  in  New  England  DANIEL  GOOKIN 

January  21th  16551 

The  sailing  of  the  ship  for  Barbados  being  delayed,  this 
letter  was  supplemented  two  days  later  by  another,  of  similar 
content  but  more  carefully  written. 

DANIEL   GOOKIN    TO    SECRETARY   THURLOE2 
S' 

Your  commands  obleidging  me  to  give  inteligence  by  all  oppertunities, 
it  was  expedient  not  to  omit  this  per  the  Barbadoes,  no  other  beeing  like 
to  offer  it  selfe  for  a  good  space;  it  is  but  very  little  hitherto  that  I  have  to 
acquaint  your  honer  with,  seeing  it  is  only  fouer  days  since  my  arnvall  in 
New  England  after  ten  weeks  of  a  trying  passage  from  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
it  cannot  yet  bee  collected  upon  any  grounds  of  certainty  what  will  be  the 
issue  of  my  Imploy.  I  hope  the  best,  and  trust  through  God's  assistance 
not  to  be  wanting  in  my  utmost  endevours.  I  have  communicated  the 
matter  to  the  Governor  and  some  other  principall  men,  who  seeme  to 
resent  things  very  well,  and  promise  their  best  counsell  and  incouragement, 
being  possessed  of  his  Highnesse  ayme  at  God's  honer  therin,  together 
with  his  speciall  respects  to  this  people.  As  for  other  coloneys  that  are 
remote,  and  where  I  expect  most  may  be  done,  I  cannot  addresse  myself 
to  them  until  the  sharpness  of  the  winter  be  past,  which  for  the  present 
renders  the  waies  impassable,  but  in  the  interim,  shall  prosecute  the  worke 
in  this  Coloney. 

There  are  two  things  received  by  the  people  that  seeme  obstacles  to 
the  worke;  one  is  the  unhelthfulness  of  the  island  occasioned  by  an  evell 
report  raised  by  some  unworthy  persons  that  have  come  from  thence  into 
these  parts;  the  other  is  strong  fears  of  continuell  invasion  and  disquiett 
by  the  Spanyards.  I  hope  that  both  may  be  taken  off  or  eased  when  truth 
is  discovered.  I  can  conclude  nothinge,  but  commit  the  success  to  the 
Lord  who  worketh  all  things  according  to  the  councell  of  his  owne  will. 
With  my  humble  services  and  unworthy  prayers  for  the  Lord's  presence 
and  grace  continually  to  abide  with  his  Highness  and  his  helpers,  to 
strengthen  and  incourage  their  harts  and  hands  in  the  Lords  worke,  with 
my  perticular  respects  to  your  honour  I  remaine 

Sir 
Your  affectionate  and  humble  servant 
Boston,  January  24th  1655  DANIEL  GOOKIN 

1  Rawl.  MSS.  A  34,  609.  The  date  of  this  hastily  written  letter  is  manifestly 
an  error.     It  should  have  been  dated  January  22. 

2  Rawl.  MSS.  A  34,  689. 


SECOND  REPORT  TO  THURLOE      95 

Three  months  and  a  half  elapsed  before  the  next  report 
was  dispatched.  It  tells  of  faithful  work,  but  records  failure 
to  make  headway  against  obstacles  that  were  in  truth  unsur- 
mountable. 

DANIEL   GOOKIN    TO   SECRETARY   THURLOE1 

Right  Honerble 

Since  my  arivall  in  New  England  wrh  was  the  20th  of  January  last,  I 
wrote  two  lefs  by  way  of  Barbadoes,  &  this  third  also  the  same  way  (being 
destitute  of  a  direct  conveyance  from  hence)  the  sume  of  the  two  first 
was  principaly  to  informe  yor  honnor  of  my  arivall  here  &  of  a  little  motion 
that  I  had  then  made  in  his  Highnesse's  affayres,  but  the  sharpnes  of 
the  winter,  at  that  time  in  its  strength,  not  only  prevented  my  travill  into 
other  Colonies,  but  the  meeting  of  the  Councell  of  this  Colonie,  until  the 
7th  of  March  last  (notwithstanding  the  Governour  called  them  to  meet  a 
month  before)  in  which  intervale  of  time  I  endevored  to  make  knowne 
to  perticuler  persons  his  Highnes  desires,  but  little  was  done  during  that 
season  for  the  forementioned  reasons,  but  after  the  Council  of  this  Colonie 
mett  &  I  had  delivered  his  Highnes  lers  &  shewed  my  instructions  they 
thankfuly  accepted  his  Highnes  love  in  this  offer,  &  readily  orderd  the 
promotion  of  his  desires,  requiring  their  officers  to  publish  the  matter,  in 
that  way  I  thought  expedient,  whereupon  I  forthwith  caused  a  short  decla- 
ration to  be  printed  Sz  sent  abroad  unto  all  the  Townes  &  plantations  of 
the  English,  not  only  in  this  but  other  Colonies,  the  Copie  of  which  dec- 
laration Sc  the  Councills  order  I  have  inclosed,  procuring  &  imploying 
some  persons  of  trust  in  places  remote  to  be  helpfull  in  promoting  the 
busines.  Shortly  after  this  was  done,  about  midle  of  April  (as  soone 
as  the  waies  were  well  passable)  I  tooke  my  journey  unto  the  Colonies 
of  Conecticott  Si  New  Haven  (150  miles  out  right  for  the  most  part 
through  the  wildernesse)  And  unto  the  magistrates  of  those  Colonies 
declared  the  busines,  delivering  his  Highnes  lers  to  Mr  Eaton  Gournor  of 
New  Haven;  Those  Gentn  Thankfully  accepted  his  Highneses  love  and 
abundant  kindnes  as  wel  in  this  as  in  former  matters  &  readily  caused  the 
printed  papers  to  be  published,  manefesting  themselves  very  willing  to  fur- 
ther the  worke  in  the  West  indies  which  they  trust  is  of  God.  But  as 
to  this  place  of  Jamaica  the  minds  of  most  men  were  averse  for  prsent 
forasmuch  as  about  that  very  time  there  came  divers  lefs  from  thence 
dated  in  November,  declaring  the  sore  hand  of  God  in  the  sicknes  and 
mortality  of  the  English  upon  the  Island,  inasmuch  that  of  8  or  9  m  Eng- 
lishmen landed  there,  more  then  one  halfe  were  dead;  &  such  as  yet  lived 
were  in  a  languishing  condition,  wherin  also  was  related  the  death  of 
Maior  General  ffortescue,  Mr  Gage  &  divers  others,  persons  of  note. 
This  Tydings  was  a  very  great  discouradgement  to  the  most  &  best  per- 

1  Rawl.  MSS.  xxxviii,  263. 


96  OBSTACLES  ENCOUNTERED 

sons  which  otherwise  'tis  probable  would  have  ingaged  to  remove,  only 
some  few  about  ioo  have  subscribed,  Si  those  not  very  considerable  for 
qualitie.  But  if  the  Lord  should  please  to  give  the  state  either  Hispaniola, 
Cuba,  or  any  other  likly  and  healthfull  place,  I  have  good  reason  to 
beleeve  that  Sundry  considerable  psons  and  Churches  wth  their  officers 
would  Transplant  from  hence  into  those  parts  (but  as  for  the  Island  of 
Jamaica,  though,  through  the  favor  of  God  late  inteligence  of  the  7th  of 
March  last  from  the  Comissioners  give  great  hopes  that  the  Lord  is 
returning  to  visitt  the  remnant  yl  is  left  wth  health  Si  cure  Si  also  they 
give  great  incouradgment  concerning  the  fertility  and  Comoditie  of  the 
said  Island,  which  tydings  I  have  endevored  to  publish,  but  what  the 
effects  then  may  bee,  as  to  the  drawing  in  of  persons  it  beeing  hardly 
yet  knowne  fully,  I  cannot  determine).  But  this  place  namely  Jamaica 
through  many  hard  reports  of  it  hath  at  prsent  but  a  low  esteeme  in  these 
parts,  Si  in  some  respects  as  I  conceve  much  worse  yn  it  deserves.  But 
yet  notwithstanding  their  are  about  20  persons  wherof  some  are  Godly 
and  of  Creditt  who  intend  &  desire  to  pass  from  hence  to  the  said  Island; 
&  I  have  by  advise  from  the  Comissioners  ordered  that  they  may  pass 
theither  in  a  ship  of  the  states  lately  come  from  thence  Si  now  here  lade- 
ing  masts  &  deales,  for  the  fleet;  wherof  is  Comader  one  Martin,  beeing 
to  resume  about  6  weeks  hence  unto  Jamaica  now  if  the  Lord  please  to 
carry  them  safe  and  that  the  Island  be  liked  by  them  (as  I  trust  it  may) 
then  they  intend  to  fetch  or  send  for  their  families  Si  upon  their  good 
inteligence  It  is  very  probable  that  divers  will  remove,  and  in  the  interim 
(if  the  Lords  thoughts  be)  to  transplant  any  Considerable  number  of  per- 
sons from  hence,  tis  possible  that  upon  this  last  newes  I  may  shortly  heare 
of  greater  motions  among  the  people  then  formerly.  Thus  I  have  as 
briefly  as  I  could  perticulerly  declared  to  yor  Honor  the  substance  of  what 
is  hitherto  done. 

There  is  one  thing  further  that  I  desire  to  mention  wcb  is  an  obiec- 
tion  I  meet  wth  from  some  principal  persons,  y*  incline  to  transplant,  Si 
indeed  the  motions  of  such  will  draw  or  hinder  many,  if  His  Highnes  see 
cause  to  remove  it,  tis  probable  it  may  further  the  work;  They  say  their 
is  no  incouradgement  in  the  propositions  for  ministers  or  men  of  place  but 
what  is  equall  with  other  men,  now  if  a  minister  Si  his  people  should 
remove  the  people  wil  not  be  in  capacity  to  maintaine  their  ministers  Si 
other  publicke  persons  yl  attend  publicke  worke  untill  they  bee  for  some 
yeares  setled  Si  have  by  the  blessing  of  God  gained  some  estate  Si  ye 
rather  forasmuch  as  they  who  transplant  from  hence  are  disabled  to  carry 
their  estates  theither,  wch  consists  principaly  in  catle  Si  land,  now  there- 
fore if  their  were  some  annuall  alowances  proposed  for  such  persons  for 
a  few  yeares  untill  the  people  were  inabled  to  maintayne  ym,  or  other 
meanes  contrived  it  would  take  of  this  hindrance. 

I  am  hartily  sorry  that  my  service  hath  hetherto  beene  of  so  litle 
profitt   unto   His   Highnes   Si   the   state,    (whom    I    desire  through   the 


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Reduced  facsimile  of  letter  from  Daniel  Gookin  to  Secretary  Thurloe. 


•• 


A  JAMAICA  COLONIZATION  HANDBILL        97 

strength  of  God  to  serve  with  a  faithfull  hart  diligently)  but  I  trust  his 
Highnes  wisdome  &  yo"  wil  consider  the  providences  of  God  that  hath 
occurred  and  also  remember  some  litle  mention  I  made  of  my  feares  this 
way  before  I  came  forth  upon  this  imploy,  but  yet  I  am  not  out  of  hope 
that  his  Highnesses  godly  intentions  &  desires  in  this  great  vvorke  in  the 
West  indies,  &  elswhere  wilbe  owned  &  crowned  wth  the  Lords  Blessing 
in  his  best  season.  Thus  with  my  most  humble  service  prsented  &  earnest 
praires  unto  him  upon  whose  shoulders  all  Gournment  is,  That  he  will  in 
favor  give  his  gratious  prsence  &  assistance  unto  his  Highnes  &  yor 
Honours  in  all  emergencies  I  Remaine  desirous  to  Bee: 
Sr 

His  Highnes  Sc 
yor  Honers 

most  humble  & 
ffaithful  servant 

Daniel  Gookin 

Cambridge  in  N.  E. 
May  the  10th  1656 

Accompanying  this  letter  was  a  transcript  of  the  order 
adopted  by  the  Council  at  their  meeting  in  Boston,  March  7, 
I6S5/6. 

Wheras  Capt.  Daniel  Gookin  hath  prsented  to  the  Councill  a  letter 
from  his  Highness,  the  Lord  Protector  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England, 
5c  Hath  shewen  unto  us  also  the  instructions  wch  hee  receued  from  his 
said  Highnes,  in  both  which  it  appeares  that  the  said  Capt.  is  imployed 
to  Cofnunicate  to  the  seuerall  Townes  and  inhabitants  of  this  Jurisdiction, 
his  Highnes  propositions  to  remoue  such  of  the  inhabitants  as  shall  desire 
to  be  transplanted  to  Jamaica  The  Councell  readily  graunts  the  said  Capt. 
Gookin  liberty  to  Comunicate  his  said  Instructions  to  any  or  euery  Con- 
gregation or  Towne  within  this  Jurisdiction,  according  as  hee  shall  see 
cause,  And  for  that  end  he  is  at  his  Libertie  to  imploy  any  meet  person 
or  officer  to  Congregate  the  said  people  for  that  end  on  any  lecture  or 
other  weeke  day. 

By  the  Councill 

Edward  Rawson  Secrety 

A  copy  was  also  enclosed  of  the  printed  announcement 
here  given  in  fac-simile. 

To  all  Persons  whom  these  may  CONCERN,  in  the  Several 

Townes,  and  Plantations  of  the  UNITED  COLONIES 

in  NEW-ENGLAND. 

It  is  hereby  declared,  That  his  Highness  the  Lord  Protectour  of  the 

Common  wealth  of  England  Sic:  hath  Commissioned  and  Impowered 


98  INDUCEMENTS  TO  EMIGRATE 

Mr  Daniel  Gookin  dwelling  at  Cambridg  in  the  Massachusets,  to  make 
agreement  with  any  convenient  number  of  the  English  in  the  Colonies  of 
New-England,  who  shall  desire  to  remove  themselves  or  families  into 
'Jornada  in  the  West-Indies,  now  in  possession  of  the  State  of  England ; 
And  for  their  better  Incouragement,  His  Highness  (bearing  a  special  affec- 
tion to  the  people  of  New  England,  and  being  very  desirous  to  have  the 
said  place  inhabited  by  a  stock  of  such  as  know  the  LORD,  and  walk  in 
his  Fear,)  will  graunt  them,  Ships  for  transportation;  a  sufficient  propor- 
tion of  Land  to  them  and  theire  heires  for  ever  near  some  good  harbour  in 
the  said  Island;  Protection  (by  God's  blessing)  from  all  enemies;  a  share 
of  all  the  Horses,  Cattle,  and  other  beasts,  wild  and  tame  upon  the  place 
freely,  Together  with  other  Priviledges  and  Immunities,  the  particulars 
wherof  may  be  known  by  those  who  shall  see  cause  to  address  themselves 
to  the  said  Daniel  Gookin  (or  such  as  he  shall  desire  to  be  helpfull  herein, 
whose  names  are  underneath  expressed  in  writing) l  who  will  be  ready  to 
make  full  agreement  with  them  according  to  his  Highness  Instructions, 
and  take  their  reciprocall  Ingagements  and  Subscriptions  to  remove  accord- 
ingly. Farther  it  is  desired  that  such  as  incline  to  the  Design  aforesaid 
to  make  known  themselves  without  delay  it  being  his  Highness  Pleasure 
that  the  work  of  Transporting  should  be  begun  before  the  end  of  Septem- 
ber next. 

Dated  this  25  of  March  1656. 

From  the  outset  it  must  have  appeared  to  Daniel  that  it 
was  scarcely  worth  while  to  persist  in  the  face  of  such  adverse 
conditions.  By  midsummer  he  regarded  his  task  as  practically 
at  an  end,  as  is  shown  by  his  next  letter,  written  July  24. 

DANIEL   GOOKIN   TO    SECRETARY   THURLOE2 

Right  Honerble 

Please  herby  to  understand,  that  I  have  written  severall  lefs  by  way 
of  Barbados,  &  cofnited  them  to  the  faithfullest  persons  I  could  meet  with, 
some  wherof  (I  trust)  are  long  since  come  to  your  hands,  but  I  never  had 
oppertunitie  to  write  directly  from  hence  untill  this  prsent  (and  I  saw  not 
any  nessesseitie  for  an  expresse).  I  have  given  pticular  acct.  formerly  what 
successe  his  Highness  affairs  (commited  to  me)  hath  found  in  these  pts,  the 
summe  wherof  is  that  the  generalitye  of  the  godly  in  all  the  Country  do 
cordialy  Resent  his  Highnes  good  will,  faver,  &  love,  as  well  in  this  as  other 
matters,  &  do  unfainedly  (I  trust)  beare  upon  their  harts  before  the  Lord, 
him  his  work  &  helpers,  and  I  have  ground  to  thinke  that  all  the  English 
Coloneys  will  see  cause  in  perticuler  lefs  of  thanks  to  manefest  their  duty 

JNone  appended  to  this  copy. 
2Rawl.  MSS.  xxxix,  431-2. 


1 


TO  all  Perfoni  wham  tbefe  may  CONCERN,  in  the  Several 

Tovmcsy  and  Plantations  of  the  VNLTED  COLONIES, , 

in  T^evo-EngUnd. 


IT  is  hereby  declared,  That  his  Highnefs  the  Lord  Prote&ourof 
the  Com  non  wealth  of  England  &c:  hath  Commiflioned  and  Im- 
powered** Daniel  Cjookyt  dwelling  at  fcambndi  in  the  MalTachufets ,  to 
make  agreement  with  any  convenient  number  of  the  Englifh  in  the  Colonies 
of  New-England,  who  (hall  deGre  to  remove  themfelves  or  families  into 
Jamaica  in  the  We(l-/ndusy  now  in  porteffion  of  the  State  of  England  ; 
And  for  their  better  Incouragement,  His  Highne£  (bearing  a  fpecial  af- 
fection to  the  people  of  New  England ,  and  being  very  dehrous  to  hare 
the  faid  place  inhabited  by  a  ft:>ck  of  fuch  as  know  the  LOUD  ,  and 
walk  in  his  Fear,)  will  graunt  then,  Ships  for  tranfportation  j  a  fufficient 
proportion  of  Land  to  them  and  their  heires  for  ever  near  fome  good 
narbour  in  the  faid  Ifla  id ;  Protection  ( by  Gods  bleflfog )  from  all  ene- 
mies i  a  fhare  of  all  the  Horfe,  Cattle  and  other  beafts,  Wild  and  tame  upon 
the  place  freely ,  Together  with  other  Priviledges  and  Immunities ,  the 
particulars  wherof  may  be  knowii  by  thole  who  (hill  lee  caule  to  addrefs 
themfelves  to  the  faid  Daniel  Cjookjn  ( or  fuch  as  he  (hall  defire  to  be 
helpfull  herein,  whofe  names  arc  underneath  exprefsed  in  writing)  who 
will  be  ready  to  mike  full  agreement  with  them  according  to  his  Highnefs 
Inftructions ,  aud  take  their  reciprocall  Inga^ements  and  Subfcriptions  to 
remove  accordingly.  Farther  it  is  defircd  that  fuch  as  incline  to  the 

Defign  aforefaid,  do  make  known  themfelves  without  delay  ,  it  being  his 
Higbnefc  Pleafure  that  the  work  of  Tranfporcing  (h^ild  be  begun  before 
the  end  of  September  next. 

Dated  this  25  of  tjfttarch     1656. 


i 


Jamaica  colonization  handbill  circulated  by  Daniel  Gookin. 


ioo        ENDICOTT'S  LETTER  TO  CROMWELL 

back  to  England,  for  the  Issueing  a  buisnes  of  some  concernment  to  me, 
which  i  left  at  my  coming  away,  unfinished  (but  committed  it  to  friends 
who  have  made  no  progress  therein.) 

Thus  Right  Honble  desiring  hartily  to  pray  to  the  Lord  for  his  gra- 
tious  presence  &  assistance  to  follow  his  Highnes  and  helpers,  and  that 
yor  persons  &  prairs  may  be  neare  unto  the  Lord  day  and  night  that  he 
may  maintaine  the  cause  of  his  servant  &  the  cause  of  his  people  Israel  & 
doe  every  day  in  the  day  as  the  matter  shall  require,  1  humbly  take  leave, 
Intreating  to  be  accoted  one  of  the  number  of  his  Highneses  &  yor  Hon- 
ours Faithfull  (though  unworthy)  servants 

Daniel  Gookin 

Cambridge  in  New  England 

xxiiijth  vth  month 

1656 

On  October  23  Governor  Endicott  "in  the  name  and  wth 
the  consent  of  the  Generall  Court,"  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
Protector,  in  which  he  said:  "We  received  by  Captaine 
Gookin  yor  Highnes  proposalls  for  the  removeall  of  some  of 
o"  to  the  Island  of  Jamaica,  wch  by  or  order  were  comunicated 
to  the  people  of  this  Jurisdicon,  in  complyance  wth  yor  High- 
nes good  and  pious  intentions  of  planting  the  place  wth  such 
as  through  the  blessing  of  God  may  hopefullie  promote  a 
designe  so  religious:  But  if  by  the  intelligence  from  thence 
of  the  mortallitie  of  the  English  there,  the  motion  heere 
answereth  not  expectation  May  it  please  your  Highnes  not 
to  impute  it  to  us  as  declyning  yor  service,  much  less  as  dis- 
accepting  yor  favor  &  endeavours  of  promoting  what  may 
conduce  to  or  welfare."1 

A  month  later  Daniel  felt  constrained  to  make  yet  another 
report.  Even  the  scant  measure  of  success  indicated  in  his 
last  letter  had  faded  away. 

DANIEL   GOOKIN    TO   SECRETARY   THURLOE2 

Right  Honbl° 

The  fruit  of  my  labour  in  his  Highnes  service  (through  the  disposeing 
hand  of  God)  being  rendered  very  unanswerable  to  his  pious  intentions  it 
is  hardly  worth  my  troubling  your  honour  with  the  recitall  thereof,  only 
duty  obleidging  me  to  faithfulness,  I  shall  acquaint  your  honour  how  things 
now  stand  in  refference  to  that  affayre. 

1  Kawl.MSS.  Axliii,  125. 

2  Ibid  241. 


CONDITIONS  IN  JAMAICA  101 

In  severall  letters  by  way  of  Barbadoes,  and  one  from  hence,  which 
was  the  only  direct  convayance  (hitherto  providence  prsented),  I  signified 
to  yor  Honour  in  perticuler  my  proceedings  in  that  service,  the  sume 
whereof  was  to  declare  What  I  had  done  in  order  to  promote  his  Highnes 
gracious  tenders,  to  plant  the  island  of  Jamaica  with  some  godly  people 
from  these  parts;  and  to  that  end  I  personally  travilled  to  the  severall  col- 
onies, viz:  Conecticut,  New  Haven,  and  New  Plimouth,  and  Bay,  who 
did  all  thankfully  resent  his  Highnes  great  love  and  favour,  and  I  conceive 
have  written  to  that  end.  But  the  great  difficulties  and  discouradgment 
the  English  have  grapled  with  in  that  place,  being  fully  known  heere,  have 
made  the  most  considerable  persons  slow  to  appeare  or  ingage  to  trans- 
plant for  the  prsent,  lest  they  should  bring  themselves  and  families  into 
great  inconveniences;  only  there  was  about  three  hundred  souls  that  sub- 
scribed, who  for  the  most  part  are  young  persons  under  family  government, 
and  many  of  them  females,  and  for  quality  of  low  estate,  but  divers 
personally  godly.  Three  of  this  number  tooke  oppertunitie  to  passe  to 
the  island  in  July  last  (in  a  ship  of  the  state's  that  loded  masts  heare)  to 
discover  the  condition  and  sutableness  of  the  island  for  themselves  and 
freinds  to  move  unto;  two  of  which  three  persons  returned  from  the  said 
Island  about  four  daies  since  in  a  vessel  of  this  country  that  was  there  :  they 
brought  letters  to  me  and  a  packett  and  a  single  letter  for  yor  honour, 
which  I  have  delivered  to  James  Garret,  commander  of  the  ship  Hopwell 
now  bound  for  England  the  first  winde,  with  expresse  charge  to  send  it 
upp  with  all  speed  after  his  arrivall.  These  two  persons  that  are  returned 
(for  the  third  abides  their  for  further  triall)  do  report  something  for  encour- 
adgment  and  something  the  Contrary.  To  the  first  they  speak  fully  of 
the  fertilitie,  pleasantness,  and  present  healthfulness  of  the  Island  and  how 
much  good  may,  in  all  probability,  bee  done  there  by  an  industrious  and 
diligent  people.  The  discouradgements  they  relate  are  the  weak,  low,  and 
careless  posture  of  the  English  upon  the  place  in  order  to  settlement,  with 
the  scarcity  of  victuall  and  their  whole  dependance  upon  forraigne  supplys, 
neglecting  planting  for  the  moste  part;  also  the  death  of  their  friend  Major 
Robert  Sedgwicke  and  some  others  adds  to  their  present  discouradge- 
ments; and  they  apprehend  that  the  poore  people  engaged  are  not  in  a 
fitt  posture  to  remove  att  present,  seeing  their  numbers  for  quality  and 
quantitie  is  too  weake  to  setle  and  cary  on  a  plantation  for  the  honour  of 
his  Highnes  or  thier  owne  comfort.  Yet  this  I  perceive,  that  severall  of 
them  stand  much  inclined  to  remove,  and  some  will  goe,  if  shipping  pre- 
sent, and  many  more,  if  the  Lord  so  please  to  change  the  face  of  things 
hereafter. 

I  doubt  not  but  the  packett  from  thence  will  spare  me  a  labour  in 
recitall  of  what  I  heard  from  thence.  Their  present  strait  is  want  of 
bread  and  some  other  provisions  wherof  some  late  supply  is  transported 
from  hence.  The  ship  Church,  fly-boate,  one  Evans  commander,  sent 
thither  for  that  ende,  which  ship  landed  about  90  cwt  of  biskett  and  above 


102      FATE  OF  THE  COLONISTS  FROM  NEVIS 

2500  bushells  of  pease,  whose  dispatch  and  furtherance  from  hence,  about 
a  month  past,  I  gave  my  help  unto,  being  therunto  desired  by  letters  from 
the  Commissioners  at  Jamaica. 

I  have  noe  more  at  present  to  add  but  my  humble  service  to  your 
honour,  and  my  poore  prayers  to  the  King  of  Heaven  to  preserve,  guide, 
strengthen,  and  prosper  his  Highness  in  the  Lorde's  worke,  whom  faith- 
fully to  serve  as  the  Lord  enableth,  shall  be  the  studdy  and  desire  of 

Sr  his  Highness  and 
your  honours 
servant 

Daniel  Gookin 

23d  of  the  8th  month 
1656 

In  November  Luke  Stokes,  the  Governor  of  Nevis,  re- 
moved to  Jamaica  with  "no  less  than  1600  of  the  poorer 
inhabitants  of  his  island,"1  and  settled  at  Port  Morant.  These 
people  had  long  been  accustomed  to  West  Indian  life,  yet 
before  they  had  been  three  months  in  their  new  home  they 
lost  two-thirds  of  their  number,  including  Stokes  himself. 
After  this  additional  evidence  of  the  dangers  to  which  colon- 
ists in  Jamaica  exposed  themselves,  further  effort  on  the  part 
of  Daniel  Gookin  was  clearly  perceived  to  be  useless.  In 
June  he  sent  a  letter  which  may  be  regarded  as  his  final 
report. 

DANIEL   GOOKIN   TO    SECRETARY   THURLOE 2 

Right  HonbIe 

The  disposeing  hand  of  God  hath  so  rendered  that  affayre  of  trans- 
planting New  England  people  into  Jamaica,  that  a  further  account  is 
scarcely  worth  his  Highness  knowledge;  yet  duty  obliedgeing  me,  I  dare 
not  omitt  it.  So  it  is,  that  since  the  returne  of  those  that  went  to  view 
the  Island  from  hence,  and  the  intelligence  by  the  last  of  them,  of  the 
mortalitie  amongst  the  Nevis  planters,  such  a  dampe  is  put  to  the  most 
active  ingagers,  that  all  are  silent  to  a  remove  at  present.  I  am  apt  to 
thinke,  that  divers  of  them  will  find  cause  to  repent  of  this  their  chainge, 
and  breach  of  promise,  seeing  there  is  no  just  cause  of  discouradgement 
as  I  can  perceive.  As  for  that  of  Nevis  men,  that  place  (as  I  hear)  was 
ominous  to  the  Spanyard  for  unhealthfulness;  and  all  men,  even  those 
that  went,  report  the  delicasy  and  fertility  of  the  Island,  which,  by  God's 

1  Gardiner,  Hist.  Com  and  Prot.  Ed.  1903,  iv,  223. 
2Rawl.MSS.  Ali,  185. 


FINAL  REPORT  TO  THURLOE  103 

blessing,  would  have  been  a  meanes  to  put  a  change  unto  some  of  their 
low  conditions;  besides  the  opportunity  might  have  bene  put  into  their 
hands  to  enlardge  the  profession  of  the  gospell,  where  Sathan  &  Antichrist 
hath  so  long  had  his  throne:  but  the  mind  and  hart  of  man  is  so  blind 
and  unstable,  that  he  is  most  ready  to  miss  his  own  mercy  and  neglect 
his  duty. 

I  doe  further  account  myself  obleidged  to  acquaint  your  honor  with 
intelligence  lately  had  by  the  Captaine  of  a  French  man  of  Warre  named 
Mon.  Bleau,  who  arrived  at  the  Dutch  plantation  adjacent  to  us  with  a 
rich  Spanish  prize.  This  Captaine  professeth  great  respects  to  the  noble 
English  nation,  and  gives  reason  for  it  from  severall  curtisies  he  received 
in  the  West  Indies,  both  from  Admiral  Goodson  and  others.  In  a  shipp 
he  tooke  that  was  bound  from  Cuba  to  Spaine,  he  intercepted  letters  that 
spake  the  purposes  of  the  Spanyards  upon  Cuba,  to  attempt  the  retaking 
of  Jamaica;  which  they  are  animated  unto  by  intelligence  gather'd  from 
an  Englishman  in  their  power,  whom  hee  called  an  engineeare,  who 
belonged  to  Jamaica  :  this  advice  the  Frenchman  gives  to  the  Governor 
of  this  place,  in  a  letter  sent  on  purpose,  which  I  had  the  sight  of,  and 
intends  to  bee  here  shortly  himselfe,  and  then  to  give  more  particular 
information  from  the  letters  themselves,  which  wilbe  coppied  out,  and  sent 
for  England  to  his  Highness.  I  have  advised  Colonell  Brayne1  of  this 
by  a  lettre  wrote  yesterday,  that  passeth  in  a  fly-boat  of  the  States,  now- 
ready  to  saile  hence,  laden  with  masts  and  deales,  under  the  command  of 
one  Furmage. 

And  now.  Right  Honourable,  since  my  service  for  his  Highness  in 
this  place  seemes  fully  ended  at  present,  I  hope  it  may  be  no  offence  if  I 
returne  for  England  by  the  next  ship,  respecting  some  perticular  occasions 
of  my  owne  left  undone  at  my  coming  away;  and  also  to  tender  myselfe 
ready  (if  called  thereunto)  with  my  poor  witt  to  serve  his  renowned  High- 
ness in  the  Lord,  unto  whome  my  hart  stands  firmly  bent  and  devoted,  as 
to  him,  whome  the  God  of  Heaven  hath  eminently  designed  to  doe  great 
things  for  the  honor  of  his  great  name  and  inlardgement  of  the  King- 
dome  of  his  Christ,  and  good  of  his  poore  church;  which  the  good  Lord 
strengthens  him  and  his  helpers  into  every  day  more  and  more;  and  when 
their  work  is  finished,  receive  him  and  them  into  the  third  heaven  to 
triumph  in  glory  through  Eternitie.  So  he,  humbly  and  earnestly  desires 
to  pray,  who  is 

His  Highness  and 
your  Honour's 
servant 
Cambridge,  in  New  England  DANIEL  GOOKIN 

June  xxth  1657 

1The  new  Governor  of  Jamaica  who  had  arrived  at  his  post  in  December  with 
a  considerable  force.  He  sent  the  discontented  soldiers  home,  and  by  his  firmness 
and  good  judgement,  within  a  few  months,  effectually  remedied  the  conditions  that 
prevailed  before  his  arrival. 


CHAPTER  XI 

LTHOUGH  in  June,  1657,  Daniel  announced 
his  intention  of  sailing  for  England  "in  the  next 
ship,"  the  opportunity  did  not  come  for  nearly 
five  months.  When  at  last  it  did  arrive,  he  had 
a  narrow  escape  from  losing  his  life.  This  is  the 
story  as  told  by  himself: 

"But  An.  1657,  in  the  month  of  November,1  Mr. 
Mayhew,  the  son,2  took  shipping  at  Boston,  to  pass  for  England,  about 
some  special  concerns,  intending  to  return  with  the  first  opportunity;  for 
he  left  his  wife  and  children  at  the  Vineyard  :  in  truth  his  heart  was  very 
much  in  that  work,3  to  my  knowledge,  I  being  well  acquainted  with  him. 
He  took  his  passage  for  England  in  the  best  of  two  ships  then  bound  for 
London,  whereof  one  James  Garrett  was  master.  The  other  ship,  whereof 
John  Pierse  was  commander,  I  went  passenger  therein,  with  Mr.  Heze- 
kiah  Usher  senior  of  Boston  and  several  other  persons.  Both  these  ships 
sailed  from  Boston  in  company.  Mr.  Garrett's  ship,  which  was  about 
four  hundred  tons,  had  good  accomodations,  and  greater  far  than  the  other: 
and  she  had  aboard  her  a  very  rich  lading  of  goods,  but  most  especially  of 
passengers,  about  fifty  in  number;  whereof  divers  of  them  were  persons  of 
great  worth  and  virtue,  both  men  and  women;  especially  Mr.  Mayhew, 
Mr.  Davis,  Mr.  Ince,  and  Mr.  Pelham,  all  scholars,  and  masters  of  art,  as  I 
take  it  most  of  them.  The  second  of  these,  viz.  Mr.  Davis,  son  to  one  of 
that  name  at  New  Haven,  was  one  of  the  best  accomplished  persons  for 
learning,  as  ever  was  bred  at  Harvard  College  in  Cambridge  in  New  Eng- 
land. Myself  was  once  intended  and  resolved  to  pass  in  that  ship:  but 
the  master,  who  sometimes  had  been  employed  by  me,  and  from  whom  I 
expected  a  common  courtesy,  carried  it  something  unkindly  as  I  conceived, 

1  November  13.     See  Diary  of  John  Hull  in  Tr.  Am.  Ant.  Soc.  iii,  181. 
2 Rev.  Thomas  Mayhew,  junior,  of  Martha's  Vineyard. 
'Preaching  to  the  Indians,  which  he  did  in  their  own  tongue. 

104 


SERVICE  AT  DUNKIRK  105 

about  my  accomodations  of  a  cabin :  which  was  an  occasion  to  divert  me 
to  the  other  ship,  where  I  also  had  good  company,  and  my  life  also  pre- 
served, as  the  sequel  proved :  For  this  ship  of  Garrett's  perished  in  the 
passage,  and  was  never  heard  of  more."1 

Arriving  in  England  about  the  time  of  the  summary  disso- 
lution of  the  second  Protectorate  parliament  on  February  4, 
1657/8,  after  its  short  and  stormy  second  session,  Daniel  found 
that  since  he  sailed  away,  two  years  before,  a  noticeable  change 
had  taken  place  in  the  temper  of  the  people.  Restlessness 
under  the  arbitrary  rule  of  the  Major  Generals,  and  dissatis- 
faction with  the  ascendancy  of  the  military  party  were  becoming 
very  general.  And  in  spite  of  the  intensity  of  his  Puritanism 
some  echo  must  have  reached  him  of  the  growing  reaction 
against  excessive  religious  enthusiasm, —  a  reaction,  which,  fol- 
lowing Cromwell's  willingness  to  accord  liberty  of  conscience 
to  others,  was  the  harbinger  of  the  age  of  toleration.  It  was 
indeed  an  eventful  time.  In  June  came  the  joyful  news  of  the 
defeat  of  the  Spanish  forces  by  the  English  and  French  allies 
at  the  battle  of  the  Dunes,  followed  a  few  days  later  by  the 
formal  delivery  of  Dunkirk  into  the  hands  of  the  English. 
Then,  at  the  beginning  of  September,  came  that  cruel  blow  to 
the  hopes  of  the  Puritans,  the  death  of  the  Lord  Protector, 
awakening  apprehensions  that  were  to  increase  daily  as  the 
incompetency  of  his  successor  became  more  manifest. 

It  would,  perhaps,  be  possible  to  trace  Daniel's  movements 
during  this  year  if  more  had  been  learned  about  the  "special 
concernment"  that  took  him  to  England.  Whatever  it  was, 
progress  appears  to  have  been  slow.  While  waiting,  other 
occupation  was  possible.  So  he  sought  and  obtained  the 
post  of  collector  of  customs  at  Dunkirk,  the  minutes  of  the 
Council  of  State  for  March  10,  1658/9,  recording  that  he  was 
"to  be  commissioned  to  receive  the  duties  there."2  This 
place  was  apparently  a  temporary  one,  for  during  the  summer 
he  laid  a  petition  before  the  Council  intimating  his  desire  for 
some  employment,  "at  Dunkirk  if  possible."3     This  received 

1  Hist.  Collections  of  the  Ind.  in  New  Eng. ,  chap,  ix 
2Cal.  State  Papers  Dom.  1658-59,  p.  302. 

3This  seems  to  point  to  Dunkirk  as  the  place  of  residence  of  Edward  Gookin. 
The  Letters  of  Administration  issued  by  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury  ran  to 


106  RETURN  TO  NEW  ENGLAND 

favorable  consideration.  The  Committee  for  Dunkirk,  on 
August  30,  recommended  that  Mr.  Gookin  "be  nominated 
Deputy  Treasurer  at  War,  to  reside  in  Dunkirk,  and  receive 
and  pay  all  moneys  for  the  forces  there,  and  also  for  contin- 
gencies, that  the  accounts  may  be  better  kept,  and  he  is  to  be 
responsible  for  all,  and  communicate  the  state  of  affairs  as 
occasion  requires."1  The  appointment  was  accordingly  made 
by  the  Council  of  State,  September  2, 1659. 2 

When,  on  May  25,  1660,  King  Charles  II  sailed  across  the 
English  Channel  to  land  at  Dover,  where  the  cliffs  "were 
covered  by  thousands  of  gazers,  among  whom  scarcely  one 
could  be  found  who  was  not  weeping  with  delight,"3  Daniel 
Gookin,  having  embarked  for  home  on  the  same  ship4  that 
had  brought  him  to  England  a  little  more  than  two  years 
earlier,  had  looked  for  the  last  time  upon  his  native  land, 
and  was  several  days  out  upon  the  long  voyage  across  the 
Atlantic.  With  him  as  fellow  passengers  were  the  regicides, 
General  Whalley  and  Colonel  Goffe,  who  had  thought  it  pru- 
dent to  flee  to  the  new  world  before  Charles  should  arrive  and 
take  up  the  reins  of  government.  Had  the  diary  which  Goffe 
kept  from  May  4,  1660,  the  day  he  left  Westminster,  until  the 
year  1667,5  not  been  destroyed  when  the  Boston  mob  set  fire 
to  Governor  Hutchinson's  house,  we  should  no  doubt  have 
many  interesting  details  concerning  this  voyage  and  about 
Daniel  Gookin  during  the  seven  months  the  regicides  spent 
in  Cambridge.  All  of  this  diary  that  survives  is  a  transcript 
of  a  few  entries. 

I2d.  3m  [May  12,  1660] — The  King  was  proclamed  at  Gravesend; 
there  was  much  rejoycing  among  the  people,  but  God's  people  lamented 
over  ye  grt  profaneness  wth  wch  y1  Joy  was  express'd.  It  was  observed 
y*  many  dogs  did  yl  day  run  mad;  &  dyed  suddenly  in  ye  Town. 

"Daniel  Gookin,  natural,  lawfull,  and  only  brother  of  Edward  Gookin,  late  in  the 
parts  upon  or  beyond  the  seas,  batchelor,  deceased"  (Adm.  Act  Book,  July,  1655). 

2Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  1658-9,  p.  161. 

2  Ibid. ,  p.  165. 

3Macaulay,  Hist,  of  Eng. ,  ch.  1. 

4  Presumably  the  "Royal  Exchange,"  which  was  the  name  of  the  ship  com- 
manded by  Capt.  Pierce  in  1668. 

6  Hutchinson,  Hist.  Mass.  Bay,  Ed.  1795,  p.  197. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  GOFF'S  JOURNAL  107 

13  d  2m  —  Wee  Kept  Sabbath  abord.  To  a  good  Ministers  Church 
in  the  Tovvne  was  stuck  up  near  ye  pulpit  a  Broom;  in  token  as  was  by 
all  conceived,  yl  ye  minister  should  shortly  be  swept  away  from  them. 

27d  5m  [July  27,  1660]  —  Wee  came  to  Anchor  betwen  Boston  & 
Charlestown;  betwen  8  &  9  in  ye  morning:  All  in  good  health  thro: 
ye  good  hand  of  God!  upon  us:  oh!  yt  men  would  praise  the  Lord  for 
his  goodness  ...  as  ps.  107,  21,  &c. 

29d  5m. —  Lord's  Day,  heard  Mr.  Mitchell  preach. 

9d  6m.  [Aug.  9  1660]  —  Went  to  Boston  Lecture,  heard  Norton. 
Scotch  ship  brought  threatn'd  recognition  by  one  who  came  in  it.  At 
Night  majr  Gookin  shewed  us  a  printed  papery'  was  brought  in  y°  Scotch 
Ship,  wherein  y6  Lds  do  order  66  members  of  ye  High  court  of  Justice  to 
be  secured,  wth  yr  Estates, —  its  dated  i8d  May  1660,  but  I  will  meditate 
on  Hebr.  13.  5.6. 

i6d  6m — Sup'd  with  Mr.  Chauncey,  he  was  persuaded  ye  Ld  had 
brought  us  to  this  country  for  good  both  to  them  and  ourselves. 

It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  Whalley  and  Goffe  took 
up  their  residence  in  Cambridge  at  the  instance  of  their  friend 
Gookin,  both  for  their  greater  security,  and  that  he  might  have 
more  abundant  opportunity  of  enjoying  their  society.  And 
as  they  proceeded  thither  on  the  day  of  their  landing,  it  is 
possible  that  for  a  time,  at  least,  they  were  his  guests,  though 
prudence  must  have  dictated  that  their  stay  under  his  roof 
should  not  be  longer  than  until  they  could  find  a  suitable 
abiding  place  elsewhere.  They  were,  it  is  said, "held  in  exceed- 
ingly great  esteem  for  their  piety  and  parts,"  and,  during  their 
stay  in  the  colony,  "held  meetings  where  they  preached  and 
prayed,  and  were  looked  upon  as  men  dropped  down  from 
heaven."1  With  their  further  story  this  history  is  not  con- 
cerned, save  that  when  word  reached  Boston  that  complaints 
were  abroad  about  the  way  they  were  received  by  the  principal 
men  of  the  colony,  Daniel  Gookin  was  one  of  the  Magistrates 
who  were  present  at  the  session  of  the  General  Court  on 
December  19,  and  helped  make  the  "Address  to  the  King" 
which  it  was  thought  wise  to  send  to  Charles  by  a  special 
messenger.  Two  months  later,  on  the  day  that  Whalley  and 
Goffe  set  out  for  New  Haven  under  the  guidance  of  an  Indian, 
Daniel  was  one  of  those  who  attended  a  Council  meeting  to 

*Cal.  S.P.  Col.  1661-8,  p.  54. 


108  ENGLISH  DISSATISFACTION 

consider  what  should  be  done  about  their  apprehension  !  Again 
on  March  8  we  find  his  name  recorded  among  those  present  at 
a  meeting  of  the  Council  when  a  warrant  for  the  arrest  of  the 
judges  was  issued1  and  given  to  a  deputy  who  was  sent  as  far 
as  Springfield  on  their  track,  but,  as  was  no  doubt  expected, 
returned  empty  handed.  These  pretended  efforts  did  not 
deceive  the  government  in  England,  and  the  show  of  earnest 
endeavor  following  the  receipt,  a  few  days  later,  of  an  order  for 
the  regicides'  arrest — the  search  for  them  being  then  com- 
mitted to  two  zealous  royalists — was  made  too  late  to  create  a 
different  impression.  An  English  correspondent  of  Rev.  John 
Davenport  of  New  Haven  wrote,  October  28, 1661:  "The  Bay 
stirring  soe  much  for  the  Apprehending  of  W:  &  G:  signifie 
at  present  heere  but  little,  because  they  were  so  long  with  them 
&  then  did  nothing."2 

Realizing  that  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  English  government 
with  their  reception  of  Whalley  and  Goffe,  as  also  with  their 
persistent  disregard  of  the  navigation  laws,  and  various  other 
acts  of  insubordination,  threatened  to  involve  them  in  grave 
difficulties,  the  General  Court  when  it  met  on  May  22,  1661, 
attempted  to  remove  some  of  the  causes  of  offence.  At  the 
close  of  the  session  a  Committee  was  appointed  "to  consider 
and  debate  such  matter  or  thing  of  public  concernment  touch- 
ing our  patent,  laws,  privileges,  and  duty  to  his  Majesty,  as 
they  in  their  wisdom  shall  judge  most  expedient,  and  draw  up 
the  result  of  their  apprehensions,  and  present  the  same  to  the 
next  session  for  consideration  and  approbation,  that  so  (if  the 
will  of  God  be)  we  may  speak  and  act  the  same  thing,  becom- 
ing prudent,  honest,  conscientious,  and  faithful  men." 

The  report,  signed  by  Thomas  Danforth,  and  probably 
written  by  him,  is  an  exceedingly  adroit  document.  While 
setting  forth  the  duty  of  allegiance  to  the  King,  and  inciden- 
tally affirming  that  "The  warrant  and  letter  from  the  King's 
majesty,  for  the  apprehending  of  Col.  Whalley  and  Col.  Goffe, 
ought  to  be  diligently  and  faithfully  executed  by  the  authority 

Suffolk  Deeds  v,  III. 

2  Quoted  by  George  Sheldon,  in  "Whalley  and  Goffe  in  New  England,"  printed 
as  an  introduction  to  the  new  edition  of  Judd's  History  of  Hadley. 


GOOKIN'S  OATH  OF  ALLEGIANCE  109 

of  this  country,"  stress  is  laid  upon  their  liberties  under  their 
charter.  These  are  set  forth  and  defined  in  eight  paragraphs, 
of  which  the  last  one  well  summarizes  the  position  maintained 
during  the  long  struggle  that  followed,  by  the  party  of  which 
Danforth  and  Gookin  were  the  leaders.  "We  conceive  any 
imposition  prejudicial  to  the  country  contrary  to  any  just  law  of 
ours,  not  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England,  to  be  an  infringe- 
ment of  our  right." 

In  their  attitude  of  resistance  to  all  encroachments  on  their 
chartered  rights,  these  sturdy  Puritans  never  wavered.  "Dan- 
iel Gookin,  before  he  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  in  Court, 
May  24th,  1665,  did  openly  and  plainly  declare  that  in  taking 
that  oath  he  would  be  so  understood  as  not  to  infringe  the 
liberty  and  privileges  granted  in  his  Majesty's  royal  charter 
to  the  Governor  and  Company  of  Massachusetts,  whereof  he 
is  a  member,  and  unto  which  he  is  sworn  formerly.  Boston 
the  24th  of  May  1665.     Daniel  Gookin.'.'1 

It  was  this  spirit  of  unwillingness  on  the  part  of  the  colo- 
nists to  submit  to  arbitrary  government  that  had  led  the  Eng- 
lish government,  in  1664,  to  appoint  a  board  of  commissioners, 
consisting  of  Col.  Richard  Nichols,  Sir  Robert  Carr,  George 
Cartwright,  and  Samuel  Maverick,  to  visit  New  England  and 
enforce  their  subjection.  Fortunately,  Colonel  Nichols,  the 
senior  member  of  the  commission,  was  a  man  of  sense.  Nev- 
ertheless, much  friction  was  engendered  by  the  invitation, 
but  so  shrewdly  was  the  controversy  managed  by  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  that  in  the  end  the  commissioners  were  discom- 
fited and  obliged  to  return  without  having  accomplished  their 
object.  Credit  for  this  is  due  in  large  measure  to  Gookin 
and  Danforth,  whose  efforts  were  untiring.  When  Colonel 
Nicholls  arrived  in  Boston,  they,  together  with  Edward  Col- 
lins, William  Parks,  and  Lieut.  Hopestill  Foster,  were  con- 
stituted a  committee  "to  consider  of  the  matters  presented 
by  his  majesties  honorable  commissioners."  On  the  same 
day  Gookin  and  Danforth  were  appointed  on  another  com- 
mittee, "to  consider  of  all  the  papers  delivered  into  this  Court 

'Mass.  Archives,  cvi,  132.  A  similar  statement  by  Danforth,  dated  May  26, 
1665,  is  also  preserved  in  the  same  volume. 


no      REFUSAL  TO  ANSWER  COMMISSIONERS 

by  Colonell  Richard  Nicholls  &  the  rest  of  his  majesties  com- 
missioners." 

Later  in  the  same  month — May,  1665  —  it  was  ordered 
by  the  General  Court,  "that  the  Gouernor,  Deputy  Gouernor, 
Capt.  Daniel  Gookin,  Mr  Thomas  Danforth,  Major  Genii  Jn° 
Leueret,  &  the  secretary  be  a  comittee  to  peruse  all  the  letters 
&  writings  of  publick  concernment  that  hath  past  this  Court 
in  their  transactions  wth  the  honcable  comissioners,  &  what  is 
of  publick  concernmt  to  be  sent  to  England,  &  to  take  order 
for  the  sending  of  them  to  such  persons  as  they,  or  the  major 
part  of  them,  shall  judg  meet;  who  are  also  impoured  or  the 
major  pt  of  them,  to  act  in  all  things  as  they  shall  judg  meete, 
to  send  for  England  by  the  first  and  second  ships  copies  pre- 
pared to  follow  that  all  may  be  improved  for  this  colonies 
advantage." 

The  details  of  the  long  controversy  with  the  Commission- 
ers have  often  been  told,  and  need  not  here  be  dwelt  upon, 
except  as  regards  one  incident  in  which  Captain  Gookin  fig- 
ures. Carr  wrote  Lord  Arlington,  the  English  Secretary  of 
State,  under  date  of  December  14,  1665:  "Col.  Whalley  and 
Goff  were  entertained  and  feasted  in  every  place  after  they 
were  told  they  were  traitors  and  ought  to  be  apprehended. 
They  were  furnished  at  Cambridge  with  horses  and  a  guide, 
and  sent  to  New  Haven  for  security.  Capt.  Daniel  Gooking, 
being  reported  to  have  brought  over  and  to  manage  their 
estates,  the  Commissioners  seized  his  cattle  in  the  King's  Pro- 
vince for  his  Majesty's  use,  but  he  refused  to  answer  before 
the  Commissioners,  so  no  more  was  done  in  it.  Capt.  Pierce, 
who  transported  Whalley  and  Goff  into  New  England,  may 
say  something  to  their  estate.  They  of  this  colony  say  that 
Charles  I  granted  them  a  charter  as  a  warrant  against  him- 
self and  successors,  and  so  long  as  they  pay  the  fifth  of  all 
gold  and  silver  ore  they  are  not  obliged  to  the  King  but  by 
civility."1 

'Cal.  S.  P.  Col.  Am.  and  West  Ind.  1661-8,  p.  345.  The  warrant  for  the  seiz- 
ure of  Daniel  Gookin's  estate  was  issued  at  Warwick,  March  21,  1664/5. 


CHAPTER  XII 

HE  General  Court  on  May  15,  1657,  "In  ansr  to 
the  mocon  of  Major  Symon  Willard  and  Cap* 
Daniell  Gookin  in  reference  to  theire  publick 
service  donne,"  granted  them  five  hundred  acres 
of  land  apiece.  In  October,  shortly  before  Cap- 
tain Gookin  sailed  for  England  the  Court  ordered 
that  his  grant  "be  laid  out  in  some  convenient 
place  on  the  eastermost  side  of  Pequot  River;  and  on  the  26th 
of  May  following  Captain  George  Dennison  reported  that  he 
had  laid  out  "unto  Capt.  Daniell  Gookin,  in  the  Pequot  coun- 
trie,  five  hundred  acres  of  land,  being  bounded  on  the  west  wth 
Poquatucke  River,  on  ye  south  wth  the  Sound,  on  the  east  wth 
Thomas  Prentice,  &  on  the  north  wth  the  wildernes." 

Returning  from  England  at  the  end  of  July,  1660,  Daniel 
found  that  Southertowne,  as  the  place  where  his  grant  was 
located  had  been  named,  was  claimed  by  Rhode  Island  men, 
who  had  trespassed  upon  the  lands  and  threatened  the  settlers. 
A  warrant  for  the  arrest  of  these  "sundry  rude  fellows," 
issued  October  8,  i66i,by  Governor  Endicott,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor Bellingham,  and  Daniel  Gookin,  resulted  in  the  commit- 
ment of  Tobias  Saunders  and  Robert  Burdett  until  they  should 
pay  a  fine  of  ^100  apiece.1  After  this  quiet  reigned  until  the 
following  spring,  when  the  Rhode  Island  General  Court  took 
cognizance  of  the  matter,  as  appears  by  the  following  docu- 
ment, which  is  on  file  in  the  Massachusetts  archives,  though 


Records  of  the  Colony  of  R.  I.  and  Prov.  Plantations,  i,  155-6. 

Ill 


ii2     THE  PAUCATUCK  CONTROVERSY 

curiously  no  mention  of  it  appears  upon  the  records  of  the 
Rhode  Island  Court.1 

At  a  Generall  Court  begun  the  20th  of  May  1662,  holden  at  War- 
wicke,  in  his  Majesty's  name  for  the  Collony  of  Providence  Planta- 
tions, &c. 

Ordered,  by  the  authority  abovesayd,  that  the  following  prohibition 
be  signed  by  the  Recorder,  and  sent  unto  Capt.  Daniel  Gookin  and  to 
every  other  person  that  it  may  concerne,  viz: 

Whereas  the  Court  is  informed  that  you  the  above  named  Captaine 
Danyell  Gookin,  or  any  other  person  or  persons  not  having  the  leave  of 
this  Collony's  Court,  are  endeavouring  to  force  into  this  jurisdiction  and 
to  take  possession  of  lands  within  the  same  at  or  about  Pawcatuck,  alias 
Misquamacott,  by  building,  fencing,  planting  and  otherwise,  which  your 
forceable  entrance  being  wholly  without  the  leave  and  contrary  to  the 
minds  of  this  Collony,  is,  in  a  very  high  degree  contrary  unto  the  peace, 
crowne  and  dignity  of  our  Lord  the  King. 

And  therefore  you,  and  every  of  you  are  in  his  Majesty's  name 
required  to  desist  from  and  forbeare  such  instrusions  ...  as  you  will 
answer  the  contrary  at  your  own  peril],"  &c. 

The  annoyance  continuing,  Daniel  and  the  other  grantees 
complained  to  the  Commissioners  for  the  United  Colonies,  who 
took  up  the  matter  at  a  meeting  held  in  Boston,  September  4, 
1662,  and  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Rhode  Island  Court: 

"  Gentlemen :  Wee  are  enformed  your  people  proceed  with 
an  high  hand,  and  pretend  authoritie  for  theire  acting,  and  offi- 
cers calling  themselves  Constables  reddy  assist  them  in  their 
Injuries  and  offencive  (truly  wee  may  say)  wicked  demeanours: 
building  upon  the  land;  threatening  Captaine  Gokens  tenant, 
to  carry  him  to  prison  and  drive  away  his  cattle;  cuting  his 
grasse;  by  giueing  ill  example  to  Pequot  Indians  that  are  in 
subjection  to  us;  by  profaning  the  sabbath,  and  selling  great 
quantities  of  liquors  to  them;  which  once  and  againe  wee 
thought  meet  to  present  to  you  considering  that  the  rather 
(though  wee  could  not  ezely)  the  persons  aforesaid  acted  with- 
out youer  Incurragement,  because  wee  haue  seen  a  warrant 
signed  by  youer  Recorder,  Joseph  Torey,  warning  Captaine 
Gokens  and  others  to  advise  and  forebeare  any  further  or 
future  possession  of  any  of  the  lands  att  or  about  Pocatuck, 

1  Records  of  R.  I.  and  Prov.  Plantations,  i.  463. 


APPEAL  TO  THE  GENERAL  COURT  113 

as  they  will  answer  the  contrary  att  their  perill."  Then  fol- 
lows a  statement  of  the  legal  claim  to  the  Paucatuck  lands,  and 
a  formal  requirement  that  the  Rhode  Island  men  should 
withdraw. 

When  the  King's  commissioners  appeared  upon  the  scene, 
the  Rhode  Island  claimants  appealed  to  them,  with  such  suc- 
cess that  at  a  meeting  held  at  Warwick  April  4,  1665,  they 
declared  all  the  grants  made  by  Massachusetts  within  the 
disputed  territory  "to  be  voyd."  Thereupon  the  grantees 
joined  in  a  petition  to  the  Massachusetts  General  Court  for 
relief. 

The  humble  petition  of  Daniel  Gookin,  Amos  Richison,  Thomas 
Prentice,  Dean  Winthrop,  Roger  Plaisted,  Charles  Chancy,  president  of 
the  colledg.  in  behalfe  of  that  society,  &  severall  others, 

Humbly  sheweth, — 

That  whereas  your  petitioners  have  had  severall  parcells  of  land 
granted  unto  us  in  the  Pequot  country,  neere  the  River  of  Pawcatucke, 
which  were  laid  out  &c  confirmed  by  this  Court,  allowed  &  approved  by 
the  comissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  wth  the  consent  of  the  Indians 
that  remained  5c  lived  upon  it,  upon  which  grounds  some  of  us  were 
incouraged  to  lay  out  our  estates  in  the  emproovement  thereof  for  sev- 
erall yeares,  not  doubting  the  justnes  of  the  title,  being  both  concquered 
<k  long  possessed,  all  which  notwthstanding,  it  hath  pleased  his  majesties 
honorable  comissioners  (through  some  misinformation  as  wee  conceive)  to 
give  forth  an  order,  under  three  of  their  handes  5c  seales,  requiring  us  Si. 
our  tennants  to  depart  of  from  the  said  lands,  &  out  of  our  houses  & 
possessions  there,  &:  to  put  of  all  our  catle  at  or  before  the  29th  day  of  Sep- 
tember next,  wthout  calling  some  of  us  to  answer  or  speake  for  our  rights, 
which  decree,  if  it  Take  effect  (&  wee  know  no  way  to  prevent  it,)  is  like 
to  be  the  mine  of  some  of  our  families;  therefore  our  humble  request  to 
the  honoured  Court  is,  that  you  will  conferr  wth  the  honorable  Comission- 
ers about  this  matter  &  use  some  meanes  for  our  reliefe  (for  some  of  us 
have  sought  it  of  them  wthout  effect  hitherto;)  but  it  may  be  the  Court 
will  cleare  matters  to  them  for  their  better  information. 

The  Court  ordered  Secretary  Rawson  to  lay  this  petition 
before  the  Commissioners.  Apparently  the  Commissioners 
reversed  their  decision,  for  Daniel  Gookin  remained  in  pos- 
session of  his  grant  until  February  6,  1671/2,  when  he  and  his 
wife  conveyed  to  "Symon  Lynde  of  Boston  merchant,"  for  the 
sum  of  X206  sterling,  "All  that  our  farme  and  housing  thereon 


ii4  MANY  ACTIVITIES 

(being  an  Neck  of  Land)  sittuate  lying  &  being  in  the  Pequitt 
Cuntery  on  Pawcutuck  River,"  &c. 

It  may  well  be  that  the  small  benefit  he  had  been  able  to 
realize  from  the  grant  of  the  Paucatuck  farm,  was  one  of  the 
"severall  considerations  especially  moving"  thereto,  that  led 
the  General  Court,  on  October  n,  1665,  to  make  Daniel 
another  grant  of  five  hundred  acres.  This,  at  his  request,  was 
set  out  to  him  "betweene  Concord  &  Lancaster  bounds,  next 
adjoyning  to  the  Indian  plantation  called  Nashobah,"  and  the 
location  was  confirmed  by  the  Court  on  May  27,  1668. 

The  extent  and  variety  of  Daniel's  public  service  at  this 
period  well  merited  the  additional  grant.  He  must,  indeed, 
have  been  nearly  if  not  quite  the  busiest  man  in  the  colony, 
and  the  salary  of  thirty  pounds  a  year,  which  he  received  as 
Assistant,  can  hardly  have  been  an  adequate  compensation 
for  the  time  he  gave  to  the  affairs  of  the  commonwealth.  The 
records  of  the  colony  show  that  he  was  a  faithful  attendant  at 
the  sessions  of  the  General  Court  and  at  the  meetings  of  the 
Governor  and  Council.1  No  other  member  was  more  active. 
We  find  him  engaged  on  many  committees ;  to  audit  the  Treas- 
urer's account;  "to  find  out  the  best  way  and  means  to  make 
agreement  and  contract  with  an  honest  person  to  prosecute  the 
Indian  trade  "on  the  behalf  of  the  state;  to  treat  with  the  mint 
master  "for  allowing  such  an  annuall  some  as  may  be  agreed 
upon  as  a  meete  honorarium;"  to  draw  up  orders  concerning 
the  militia;  to  visit  Harvard  college  and  examine  the  Treas- 
urer's accounts;  to  determine  the  differences  between  Presi- 
dent Dunster  and  Thomas  Danforth;  even  to  lay  out  land 
grants  in  the  Paucatuck  region.  These  are  only  a  few  out  of 
many  that  might  be  named.  More  important  were  designa- 
tions to  hold  the  County  Courts,  as  for  Norfolk  County 
in  1660,  for  Suffolk  in  1663,  and  his  appointment  in  1668  as 
one  of  the  Commissioners  of  Revenue  from  imposts.  In  the 
larger  affairs  of  State,  his  clear  judgement  and  sagacious  coun- 

1  Council  meetings  appear  to  have  been  held  at  all  hours.  In  Prov.  Papers  of  N. 
H.,  i,  273,  is  printed  a  letter  from  Governor  Bellingham,  July  12,  1665,  in  which  he 
refers  to  expediting  a  messenger  to  Cambridge  to  call  Gookin,  Danforth  and  others 
to  meet  at  the  Governor's  house  in  Boston,  "by  sixe  of  the  clocke  this  morning." 


EXTENT  OF  PUBLIC  SERVICE  115 

sel  were  highly  valued  and  often  called  in  requisition.  When- 
ever "uncomfortable  differences"  arose  between  the  towns,  or 
with  other  colonies,  his  name  was  almost  certain  to  be  placed 
upon,  and  often  at  the  head  of,  the  Committee  deputed  to  deal 
therewith.  Such  assignments  were  not  infrequent  and  some- 
times involved  considerable  labour,  as  well  as  the  exercise  of 
great  pains  and  discrimination. 

Withal  he  had  his  routine  business  as  a  magistrate  to  attend 
to,  besides  which  his  farms  had  to  be  looked  after  and  the  trade 
with  the  Maryland  and  Virginia  plantations.1  Still  he  found 
time  to  do  his  full  duty  as  Captain  of  the  Cambridge  trained 
band;  to  attend  religious  services  and  lectures  with  punctil- 
ious regularity;  to  take  his  part  in  catechising  the  youth  of 
Cambridge ;  to  serve  the  town  as  Selectman  from  1660  to 
1672;  to  perform  the  many  neighborly  offices  that  necessarily 
entered  largely  into  the  life  of  one  dwelling  in  a  small  and 
remote  community.  Nor  is  the  tale  yet  told.  As  Superin- 
tendent of  the  Praying  Indians  he  had  to  spend  much  of  his  time 
in  journeys  through  the  wilderness  to  their  several  settlements, 
besides  listening  to  their  appeals  when  they  called  upon  him 
in  Cambridge  (as  they  appear  to  have  done  rather  frequently), 
and  accompanying  Eliot  when  he  went  among  them  to  preach. 
And  as  employment  for  his  leisure  hours  he  projected  and 
steadily  worked  upon  a  history  of  the  colony, —  of  which, 
unfortunately,  but  a  small  fragment  has  survived. 

Only  one  instance  is  recorded  of  Daniel's  declination  of 
a  public  trust.  The  publication,  in  1662,  of  some  religious 
tracts  which  the  ministers  thought  too  liberal,  resulted  in  an 
order  by  the  General  Court  that  no  books  should  be  printed 
in  future  unless  approved  by  two  official  licensers.  Daniel 
Gookin  and  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Mitchell  were  appointed,  but 
refused  to  act.  As  the  court  had  adjourned,  and  no  print- 
ing could  be  done  without  authorization  by  the  licensers,  the 
presses  had  to  stand  idle  until  the  Court  convened  in  May, 

1Re  may  perhaps  have  made  a  voyage  to  Virginia  in  1664.  By  the  General 
Court  on  May  18,  "Capt.  Daniel  Gookin  is  hereby  desired  &  appointed  to  keepe  the 
Courts  in  Portsmouth  or  Dover  &  Yorke,  for  this  year,  if  he  come  home  &  be  well," 
but  he  does  not  appear  to  have  served. 


n6  DISPUTE  WITH  THE  ANABAPTISTS 

1663,  when  it  was  "ordered  that  the  Printing  Presse  be  at  lib- 
erty as  formerly  till  this  court  shall  take  further  order,  and  the 
late  order  is  hereby  repealed." 

A  glimpse  of  Daniel  in  still  another  capacity  is  afforded  by 
an  account  in  a  manuscript  found  among  the  Danforth  papers 
of  a  "public  dispute"  with  the  Anabaptists,  "that  it  might  be 
determined  whether  they  were  erroneous  or  not."1  Six  emi- 
nent clergymen  were  "nominated  to  manage  the  dispute  on  the 
Pedobaptist  side,  which  was  appointed  to  be  April  14,  1668, 
in  the  meeting  house  in  Boston  at  9  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
But  lest  these  six  learned  clergymen  should  not  be  a  match 
for  a  few  illiterate  Baptists,  the  governour  and  magistrates  were 
requested  to  meet  with  them,"  and  so  Daniel  Gookin's  name 
appears  in  the  list  of  debaters.  It  was  an  animated  session,  in 
which  the  Baptists  were  worsted,  not  being  able  to  convince 
their  opponents.  In  July  some  of  them  were  imprisoned  for 
heresy,  the  warrant  for  their  arrest  being  signed  by  Daniel 
Gookin  and  five  others. 

1  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.  2  Ser.  viii,  1 1 1 . 


CHAPTER  XIII 


J  HE  public  documents  that  came  from  Daniel 
Gookin's  hand  testify  in  no  uncertain  manner  to 
his  qualifications  for  handling  important  affairs 
of  State.  The  letter  in  which  he  opened  negotia- 
tions with  Ferdinando  Gorges  looking  toward  the 
purchase  of  his  claim  to  the  province  of  Maine, 
displays  ability  that  any  diplomat  might  envy. 
Not  only  had  troublesome  questions  of  jurisdiction  grown  out 
of  the  uncertainty  as  to  the  boundary  between  Maine  and  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  but  the  earlier  date  of  the  Massachusetts  charter 
and  the  virtual  abandonment  of  the  northern  province  by  the 
elder  Gorges  made  complications  that  became  more  and  more 
embarrassing  as  time  went  on  without  a  settlement  being 
effected. 

DANIEL   GOOKIN    TO    FERDINANDO    GORGES1 

Sr 

Though  I  am  a  stranger  unto  you  in  person,  yet  tis  not  improbable 
that  you  have  heard  of  my  name,  because  my  father  who  bore  the  same 
name  was  intimately  acquainted  with  your  honoured  prdecessor  Sr  Ferdin- 
ando Gorges,  and  was  interested  with  him  in  his  New  England  affaires, 
as  some  writeings  concerning  that  matter  under  Sr  Ferdenando's  hand 
and  seale  in  my  possession  do  evince,  and  tis  like  the  same  may  be  wth 
your  selfe. 

The  providence  of  God  having  sett  the  bounds  of  my  habitation  in 
New  England,  where  I  have  resided  neare  twenty  yeares  and  a  good  part 
of  that  time  imployed  in  publique  affaires  and  so  have  had  more  opertu- 
nity  to  understand  some  things  relating  to  your  selfe  in  your  claime  to  the 

JBr.  Record  Office,  Col.  Papers,  xvii,  No.  57. 

117 


n8  LETTER  TO  FERDINANDO  GORGES 

province  of  Maine,  as  also  the  claime  made  to  the  same  by  the  jurisdiction 
of  Massachusetts,  and  now  things  grow  up  to  a  greater  diference  than  for- 
merly betwene  them  and  you :  being  studious  of  peace  and  unity  in  waies 
of  righteousness  among  the  English  in  this  wilderness  I  have  prsumed  to 
set  before  you  a  few  considerations  touching  this  affaire  wherein  my  desire 
is  to  intend  yor  honnor  and  benefitt  as  well  as  the  publique  good  before 
hinted. 

Sr  tis  not  unknowne  to  you  (I  conceive)  how  the  body  of  the  people 
in  that  province  several  years  since  (being  wearied  with  anarchy  among 
themselves)  made  their  earnest  application  unto  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Bay  for  protection  and  government,  and  accordingly  were  accepted  upon 
articles,  submitting  and  swearing  fidelity  to  the  same,  which  agreement 
was  to  continue  inviolable  untill  the  supreme  power  in  England  did 
release  them,  after  wch  time  the  extent  of  the  line  of  the  Massachusetts 
pattent  to  the  N.  E.  (never  before  stated)  did  according  to  the  judgment 
of  good  artists  therein  imployd,  take  in  the  greatest  part  if  not  all  yor 
province;  under  wch  settlement  those  parts  have  remained  in  a  quiet  pos- 
ture for  sundry  yeares,  but  of  late  they  have  been  interupted  upon  prtence 
of  commission  for  your  selfe,  the  consequences  whereof  hath  tended  much 
to  the  disturbance  of  the  peace  and  good  government  of  that  place,  and  I 
beleve  hath  brought  but  little  profitt  to  yourselves,  for  the  body  of  the 
people  in  conscience  to  their  oath  and  articles  still  adhere  to  the  govrment 
of  the  Bay,  and  frequently  make  their  adreses  to  it  for  protection  and  jus- 
tice, and  yors  doe  not  appear  to  have  strength  and  interest  enough  to 
compose  and  satisfy  them.  The  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts  have  not 
been  forward  to  enter  into  a  contest  wth  you  in  this  matter,  finding  it  difficult 
to  rule  wel,  a  remote  and  divided  people,  but  the  frequent  solicitations  of 
the  people  in  that  province  urging  a  performance  of  covenant  hath  put  them 
upon  endevors  to  prserve  peace  and  order  among  them  and  suprese  the 
contrary.  And  for  that  end  commissioners  have  been  once  and  againe 
sent  and  compositions  made  wth  yours,  But  prsently  againe  broken  by 
some  among  them  on  prtence  of  yor  authority  so  that  now  it  is  probable 
you  will  heare,  and  y*  wth  great  agravations,  that  Mr.  Jordan  is  secured, 
the  only  end  whereof  is  to  prserve  publique  peace,  for  some  men  there 
are  in  the  world  who  are  impatient  of  any  power  that  will  bridle  their 
lusts  and  disorders. 

This  being  the  state  of  that  affaire  I  pray  Sir,  consider  whether  it  will 
not  be  advisable  for  you  not  too  readily  to  entertaine  prejudice  from  those 
mens  information  nor  yet  countenance  them  in  their  actings  which  I 
assure  you  are  neither  for  your  honour  nor  profit,  but  to  consult  whether 
it  be  not  now  for  your  interest  to  make  some  honorable  composition  with  the 
jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts  for  yor  claime  which  I  beleeve  they  wil  com- 
ply withall  rather  than  ingage  in  a  contest  with  you;  and  will  not  this 
more  conduce  to  your  advantage  then  a  continual  exhausting  (what  you 
can  rationaly  expect  from  them  if  not  more)  for  the  support  of  the  govern- 


LETTER  TO  ROBERT  BOYLE       119 

ment  there  besides  the  hazard  and  discouragement  of  the  more  sober  and 
industrious  part  of  the  people  do  desert  the  place,  which  they  are  ready  to 
do  as  I  heare  if  things  remaine  as  they  are,  and  as  for  yor  propriety  in  any 
lands  possessed  and  improved  you  may  still  retayne  ym  if  you  please 
som  .  .  .'  in  a  letter  or  imploy  some  person  to  deale  in  it  you  may 
hav  .  .  .   ble  .  .  -1  some  of  money  paid  you  for  your  claime. 

Sr  I  desire  you  will  seriously  consider  what  is  here  prsented  which 
you  may  bee  assured  is  from  one  that  wishes  your  best  good,  so  desiring 
the  Lord  God  to  direct  you  herein  that  you  may  doe  that  which  is  most 
for  his  glory  and  yor  best  good  craveing  excuse  for  my  boldness  with  the 
presentiment  of  my  respects  and  service,  I  remaine  Sr 

Yours  to  honor  and  serve  you 

Daniel  Gookin 

Cambridge  in  New  England, 
June  25th  1663 

This  letter,  written,  as  has  been  said,  "with  consummate 
skill  and  ingenuity,"  might  have  led  to  results  more  speedily 
than  it  did,  but  for  the  interference  of  the  royal  commis- 
sioners, who  thought  to  set  everything  at  rest  by  passing  an  act 
"for  enervating  the  authority  of  both  the  clayming  parties" 
and  placing  the  disputed  territory  directly  under  that  of  the 
King.  Nevertheless,  the  controversy  dragged  on,  and  little 
progress  had  been  made  when,  ten  years  later,  the  questions  at 
issue  were  described  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Honourable 
Robert  Boyle,  the  authorship  of  which  may  be  confidently 
ascribed  to  Daniel  Gookin,  though  it  may  be  that  some  of  the 
other  signers  took  part  in  its  composition. 

GOVERNOR   LEVERETT   AND    OTHERS   TO    ROBERT   BOYLE2 

Honourable  Sir, 

As  an  addition  to  your  former  kindness,  touching  the  present  of  masts 
sent  from  this  colony  to  his  Majesty,  we  are  lately  informed  that  you  have 
been  pleased  to  speak  on  our  behalf  in  the  ears  of  his  most  excellent 
Majesty,  our  gracious  Sovereign,  when  our  adversaries,  by  their  hard 
speeches  and  false  suggestions  have  laboured  to  alienate  his  royal  heart 
and  affections  from  us;  which  favour  of  yours  (to  a  people  that  are  so 
great  strangers  to  you,  and  so  undeserving  your  love)  calls  for  gratitude. 
And  therefore,  should  we  be  silent  in  our  most  thankful  acknowledgement 
thereof,  first  unto  God,  that  hath  so  inclined  your  heart,  and  nextly  to 

1Torn  off  with  the  seal. 

2Life  of  Boyle,  by  Thos.  Birch,  p.  453. 


120       LETTER  TO  ROBERT  BOYLE 

yourself,  as  an  instrument  (and  if  we  may  presume  to  say)  an  advocate 
for  this  part  of  God's  poor  church  in  the  wilderness,  it  would  render  us 
most  unworthy  of  our  profession. 

Sir,  we  need  not  put  you  in  mind,  that  the  poor  church  of  Christ  in 
all  ages,  even  from  righteous  Abel's  time  unto  this  day,  hath  not  wanted 
adversaries:  the  ancient  enmity,  which  God  hath  put  between  the  two 
seeds,  will  never  reconcile;  that  example  in  Ezra's  and  Nehemiah's  time 
do  sufficiently  evince  this;  for  although  the  people  of  God  then  had  ample 
charters  from  those  great  princes,  Cyrus  and  Artaxerxes,  yet  God  was 
pleased,  for  the  trial  of  his  church,  and  the  illustration  of  hrs  own  glory 
(in  their  salvation)  to  permit  a  Sanballat,  a  Tobiah,  and  others,  falsely  to 
accuse  that  people,  to  those  princes,  of  disloyalty.  Sir,  we  hear,  that  our 
adversaries  there  are  plotting  and  designing  against  our  peace;  so  much 
the  more  cause  have  we  to  lye  in  the  dust  before  the  Lord,  imploring  his 
assistance  and  salvation,  as  the  matter  shall  require.  And  also  it  is  our 
duty,  not  to  neglect  the  use  of  that  little  means,  that  is  left  us,  in  order  to 
the  preservation  of  our  quietness  and  liberties;  among  which,  this  appli- 
cation to  yourself,  and  by  you  to  our  most  gracious  King  (whose  royal 
heart  the  Lord  hath  graciously  inclined  hitherto  to  favour  our  righteous 
cause)  is  the  principal. 

Sir,  we  hear  of  several  things  against  us,  which  we  do  not  particularly 
understand,  but  so  far  as  is  intimated  to  us,  we  will  make  bold  here 
briefly  to  mention  them,  with  our  answers  to  them. 

I.  Our  loyalty  is  questioned.  To  this  we  answer  (in  all  humility, 
not  boastingly)  that  the  demonstrations  of  our  loyalty  are  known  to  thou- 
sands; particularly  I.  We  never  proclaimed  or  acted  in  the  name  of  the 
late  power  in  England  in  his  Majesty's  absence,  as  all  other  remote  col- 
onies did.  2.  It  is  known,  that  in  our  public  prayers,  as  well  as  in  pri- 
vate families,  we  pray  for  our  King.  3.  When  a  squadron  of  his  ships, 
under  Sir  John  Harmon,  commander,  were  in  the  West  Indies,  streight- 
ened  for  provisions;  we  freely  and  seasonably  sent  a  ship  laden  with 
provisions  for  their  supply.  4.  In  that  present  of  a  ship  laden  with 
masts,  sent  for  the  supply  of  his  royal  navy.  Those  two  last  things  cost 
this  poor  colony  some  thousands  of  pounds;  and  we  have  not  heard  that 
any  of  his  Majesty's  colonies  (though  far  exceeding  us  in  riches)  have 
given  higher  demonstrations  of  their  loyalty. 

II.  We  are  said  to  be  factious  in  the  principles  of  religion.  Answer. 
If  Mr.  Perkins,  and  those  good  old  Puritans,  in  King  Edward  the  Vlth 
and  Queen  Elizabeth's  time,  did,  in  their  principles  or  religion,  teach  evil 
doctrine  (which  we  conceive  no  true  Protestant  will  say)  then  may  we  be 
rendered  such;  for  our  religion  and  principles  are  the  same  for  substance 
with  those  old  Christians  and  reformers  called  Puritans. 

III.  It  is  said,  we  are  a  divided  people.  We  acknowledge  it  is  a 
matter  to  be  greatly  bewailed,  that  the  church  of  God,  all  the  world  over 
(by  reason  of  man's  weakness  and  infirmity)  doth  labour  under  diversity 


LETTER  TO  ROBERT  BOYLE  121 

of  persuasions  and  apprehensions  in  matters  of  religion,  and  consequently 
do  not  live  in  that  blessed  and  sweet  unity  that  God  requires:  but  for  our 
parts  (some  petty  differences  excepted)  we  bless  God,  we  have  much  peace 
and  tranquillity  in  church  and  state. 

IV.  We  are  charged  with  carrying  it  disrespectfully  toward  his 
Majesty's  commissioners.  To  this  we  say,  that  God  and  man  can  wit- 
nes  for  us,  that  our  treatment  of  them  was  with  civility,  according  to  our 
mean  conditions.  Indeed,  as  to  yielding  obedience  unto  their  mandates, 
which  were  destructive  to  our  royal  charter;  as  that  was  contrary  to  his 
Majesty's  instructions  and  letter  sent  to  us  by  them,  so  we  had  no  reason 
to  submit  to  them  therein. 

V.  We  are  blamed  for  a  great  omission  touching  baptizing  of  infants. 
To  this  we  answer,  that  our  principles  declared  to  the  world  in  print 
particularly  that  of  the  last  synod  held  here,  doth  speak  our  judgments 
to  run  parallel  with  other  reformed  churches,  viz.  That  visible  confed- 
erate believers  with  their  seed  are  subjects  of  baptism.  Indeed  in  practice 
there  hath  been  some  omissions  thereof,  as  to  the  largest  extent,  espe- 
cially in  some  places;  but  endeavours  are  daily  used  to  reduce  each  one 
to  the  rule. 

VI.  We  are  accused  of  rigidness  to  such  as  differ  from  us  in  matters 
of  religion.  To  this  we  say,  that  from  the  first  settling  this  plantation, 
these  heterodoxes  of  Familism,  Anabaptism,  and  of  late  Quakerism,  have 
been  looked  upon  by  the  godly  here,  as  great  errors,  and  the  promo- 
ters of  them  disturbers  of  peace  and  order.  Those  awful  and  tremen- 
dous motions  of  that  sort  of  people  in  Germany,  and  elsewhere,  hath 
sufficiently  alarmed  all  pious  and  prudent  men  to  provide  a  defensative 
against  them.  Hence,  from  our  first  times,  laws  have  been  made  to 
secure  us  from  that  danger;  which  have,  at  some  times,  upon  just  occa- 
sions, been  executed  upon  some  of  that  sort  of  people,  who  have  exceeded 
the  rules  of  moderation  in  matters  of  practice:  but  this  we  may  say  truly, 
that  some  peaceable  Anabaptists,  and  some  of  other  sects,  who  have 
deported  themselves  quietly,  have  and  do  live  here,  under  the  protection 
of  this  government,  undisturbedly.  Lastly,  we  are  accused  for  grasping 
after  dominions,  more  than  belongs  to  us,  and  in  particular,  for  taking  in  a 
place,  called  the  province  of  Alayne  belonging  to  Mr.  Gorge.  To  this  we 
answer,  that  our  patent  (which  is  of  greater  antiquity  than  his)  doth  take 
in  that  place;  and  this  may  be  clearly  demonstrated.  Again,  Mr.  Gorge's 
predecessor,  finding  no  profit,  deserted  the  government  thereof,  and  left  the 
people  under  such  confusion  and  disorder,  that  they  were  necessitated  to 
petition  earnestly  unto  the  Massachusetts,  to  take  them  under  their  gov- 
ernment; which  they  did,  at  their  earnest  desire,  to  prevent  their  devour- 
ing one  another.  The  truth  is,  there  is  no  profit  or  benefit  doth  accrue  to 
our  government  by  their  addition,  but  cumber  and  trouble.  They  are 
generally  a  very  poor  people,  and  contribute  nothing  to  us,  for  the  support 
of  the  government  in  this  place.     We  may  truly  say,  our  main  end  in 


122  PURCHASE  OF  THE  GORGES  CLAIM 

taking  them  under  us  hath  been  a  desire  to  do  them  good,  outwardly  and 
inwardly;  especially  ta  encourage  a  pious  and  able  minister  to  live  among 
them,  and  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  them,  which,  through  the  favour  of 
God,  hath  been  in  some  measure  attained.  Before  they  came  under  us, 
we  know  not  of  one  preaching  and  pious  minister  in  five  or  six  villages 
there,  and  since  (through  God's  favour)  they  have  been  well  provided 
therewith.  Godly  ministers  indeed  were  very  shy  to  go  among  them  to 
live,  before  they  were  settled  under  this  government;  and  at  such  time, 
when  the  commissioners  took  them  off  from  us,  and  settled  some  justice 
among  themselves,  it  was  but  a  little  while  after  the  commissioners  were 
gone,  but  that  people  fell  into  such  divisions  and  confusions,  that  many  of 
their  ministers  left  them ;  and  the  people  again  earnestly  sued  to  us  for 
protection  and  government,  finding  no  benefit  (as  they  alledged)  by  such,  as 
the  commissioners  had  appointed  to  rule  them.  Perad venture  Mr.  Gorge 
and  some  others  may  apprehend,  they  are  deprived  of  honour  and  profit 
by  us  in  this  matter;  but,  we  believe,  as  it  hath,  so  it  will  be  found,  that 
neither  the  one  nor  the  other  would  accrue  to  them,  if  they  had  it  under 
their  power,  according  to  their  desire. 

Thus,  noble  Sir,  we  have  made  bold  to  give  you  an  account  (as 
briefly  as  we  could)  of  what  we  hear  is  objected  against  us,  and  our 
answer;  committing  all  to  your  goodness  and  wisdom,  to  make  use  of  as 
you  shall  see  occasion. 

So  desiring,  in  all  humility,  your  pardon  for  our  presumption,  in  giv- 
ing you  this  trouble,  with  our  cordial  prayers  unto  the  God  of  all  mercy  and 
grace,  to  pour  upon  your  head  and  heart  his  richest  blessings;  with  our 
most  humble  service  and  love  to  you  presented,  we  take  leave,  desiring 
always  to  remain, 

Your  honor's 

Most  affectionate  friends  and  servants 
JOHN  LEVERETT,  Governor 
SAMUEL  SYMONDS,  Deputy  Governor 

Daniel  Gookin,  Assistant 
Richard  Russell 
Thomas  Danforth 
John  Pynchon 
William  Stoughton 
Edward  Tyng 

This  is  a  duplicate  of  a  letter  sent  in  December  last.  Dated  in  Boston 
in  New  England,  May  10,  1673. 

More  than  five  years  were  still  to  elapse  before  the  affair 
was  finally  adjusted  by  the  purchase  of  the  Gorges  claim  for 
the  sum  of  ^1250.  The  final  report  upon  the  matter,  made 
to  the  General  Court,  was  drawn  up  by  Daniel  Gookin  and  is 
distinguished  by  its  clear  and  cogent  reasoning. 


FINAL  REPORT  TO  THE  GENERAL  COURT       123 

October  8  1678 
A  returne  of  the  comitte  appointed  by  the  Gen'U  Court,  to  consider 
of  the  matter  prsented  Relating  to  the  province  of  Mayne.1 

The  principall  question  (as  we  humbly  conceve)  touching  this  affaire 
(at  prsent)  Is  Whether  it  bee  best  for  the  country,  to  Hold  &  Reteyne 
their  interest  in  this  province,  or  to  sel  &  Alienate  the  same  unto  others? 
In  Answer  hereunto,  the  Comittee  judge  it  best  for  the  country  to  close 
in  the  Affirmative,  for  which  they  humbly  offer  these  Reasons  with 
Answers  to  some  objections  to  the  contrary. 

I.  was  it  not  this  courts  order  unto  our  Agents  to  endevor  to  pur- 
chas  this  pattent  which  being  done  accordingly  it  seems  unbecoming  the 
Gravity  wisdome  &  prudence  of  this  court,  to  bee  yea  &  nay  in  a  matter 
of  such  moment  Si  that  before  experience  is  made  of  any  inconvence 
thereby 

2  Because  our  Agents  intimate  in  their  lette™  that  they  transacted 
this  matter  by  the  concurrent  advise  of  our  freinds  upon  the  place;  who 
yet  continue  of  the  same  mind  as  is  certifyd  by  or  Agents  last  letters 
dated  in  August  last. 

3  Because  our  [enimies]  in  England  particularly  Mr  Mason  &  Mr 
Randolph  vigorously  opposed  our  Agents  in  that  Bargaine  &  prevailed  so 
farr  as  to  frustrate  the  first  attempt,  this  act  of  these  or  II  willers  is  an 
Argument  of  the  goodness  of  the  King  for  us  : 

4  In  this  pattent  is  granted  both  Government  &  Soyle  &  lands  &c 
of  which  latter  there  is  a  considerable  quantity,  not  in  propriety  of  any 
english  man,  sufficient  to  countervale  the  purchase,  &  their  is  little  reason 
to  feare  wee  shal  be  deprived  yrof,  because  in  all  his  maties  Grants  prprity 
is  reserved.  And  as  for  the  Gouernment  it  is  not  impossible  wee  may  injoy 
the  same  also  by  the  helpe  of  God,  having  to  doe  therin  with  so  gratious 
a  prince. 

5  It  may  be  considered  &  our  long  experience  hath  given  us  a  suffi- 
cient demonstration  herof,  that  the  settlement  of  Good  neighbors  in  this 
territory  (wch  matter  lyes  wholly  in  or  hands)  wilbe  greatly  advantageous 
&  conducing  to  our  future  quiet,  but  the  settlement  thereof  by  il  neigh- 
bours when  it  is  in  other  mens  hands  wee  cannot  prvent,  may  prove  a  great 
trouble  and  affliction  to  us,  of  which  wee  have  had  experience  in  former 
times. 

6  This  place  is  plentifully  furnished  on  the  coasts  with  good  har- 
bours for  fishing  &  timber  of  all  sorts  both  for  exportation  abroad  &  use 
at  home;  which  are  convencies  that  may  bee  Beneficiall  to  the  publike 
good  if  prudently  managed. 

7  The  interest  y'  wee  herby  have  in  the  Hands  of  Nantucket  & 
Marthas  Vineyard  wth  a  share  in  the  4  townes  on  the  west  of  pasquata- 
way,  is  to  bee  considered  as  a  matter  of  waight.  more  reasons  might  bee 
added  but  wee  forbear  &  come  to  consider  som  objections. 

'Coll.  Maine  Hist.  Soc.  Doc.  History  of  Maine,  iv.  382-5. 


i24       FINAL  REPORT  TO  THE  GENERAL  COURT 

Objection  I  It  is  probable  our  ill  willers  wil  not  bee  wanting  in 
their  endeavors  to  incense  our  gratious  King  against  us  &  Aleadge  y*  by 
this  Acquisition  wee  aspire  after  dominion  &  enlargement  of  territory 
wch  is  not  for  his  honor  or  interst  to  Admitt. 

Answer  If  his  matie  should  receve  any  impressions  against  us  in 
this  case,  and  declare  disatisfaction  —  it  is  then  time  enough  to  Returne 
him  such  Answer  as  becomes  Dutiful  and  loyall  subjects. 

Objection  2  It  is  a  great  some  of  mony  to  be  paid  for  it  &  the 
country  being  greatly  impoverished  by  the  late  warre,  &  much  in  debt  are 
not  in  a  good  capacity  to  disburse  this  surne  without  great  inconvence. 

Answer  I  The  some  of  12501  starling  wch  is  the  some  to  bee  payd 
for  it  is  not  as  wee  conceve  so  considerable  but  the  country  may  pay  it 
without  any  great  determent  especially  considering  the  advantages  acrew- 
ing  therby  before  hinted  &  it  is  very  probable  y*  some  purchasers  wil 
soone  appeare  to  by  some  parcell  of  this  land  to  reimburse  the  treasury  of 
ye  country;  Truly  we  conceve  God  hath  put  an  oppertunty  into  or  hand 
by  this  purchase  of  y'  province  wch  wee  should  thankfully  accknowled  & 
improve  for  Gods  honor  and  the  publike  good;  &  not  through  feare  of 
contingent  events,  decline,  this  opertunty. 

Ans.  2 :  If  upon  Experience  wee  find  it  Burthensome  or  inconvenient 
for  us  there  is  no  cause  to  doubt  (as  wee  judge)  but  wee  may  ease  orselves 
without  any  damage  to  the  country. 

3  objection  In  this  pattent  it  is  required  that  the  Religion  profesed 
in  the  Church  of  England,  and  Eclesiastical  Gouerment  therof  shalbe  prof- 
fesed  setled  &  established  in  &  through  the  said  province;  This  injunction 
may  prove  A  Snare  to  us. 

Answer  I  The  Religion  of  the  Church  of  England,  in  the  Doctrinall 
part  of  it  conteyned  in  the  39  Articles,  is  sound  &  orthodox  &  for  the 
substance  therof  is  not  only  professed  by  all  protestants  generally  but  by  our 
selves  also,  hence  there  is  no  reason  for  any  good  Chtian  to  thinke  it  a  snare. 

Ans.  2  as  for  the  ecclesiastical  Gounment  of  England,  which  is  estab- 
lished by  the  lawes  of  that  land,  Although  in  our  judgment  wee  differ  from 
it,  yet  wee  must  remember  wee  are  prohibited  in  our  charter  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts, to  make  any  law  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England,  of  which 
lawes  this  is  one,  therfore  may  not  make  any  law  against  it. 

Ans  3  If  it  should  happen  that  any  of  his  Maties  subjects  that  doe  or 
shal  herafter  live  there,  should  profes  &  practise  in  matters  of  Religion 
According  to  the  church  of  England,  is  there  not  as  Good  reason  for  us  to 
Admit  them,  that  act  therin  not  against  any  law  made  by  us,  As  to  permit 
quakers  and  other  perswasions  dif.  from  us,  to  practise  their  religion  con- 
trary unto  our  lawes  &  that  not  in  remote  parts  of  the  country  but  in  or 
chiefest  towns;  They  that  profes  Religion  according  to  the  Church  of 
England  owne  Good  &  sound  principles  in  doctrine  &  are  obedient  to  civil 
order,  But  the  other  persuations  oppose  both.  Therfore  which  are  like  to 
be  the  best  neighbors  &  Subjects  let  Reason  Judge. 


FINAL  REPORT  TO  THE  GENERAL  COURT       125 

Objection  4  There  was  an  inconvenience  unto  this  General  Court 
in  the  number  of  Deputies  Sent  from  that  province  in  former  times  which 
have  had  to  great  an  influence  upon  our  affayres;  &  yet  the  people  of  y* 
province  have  paid  little  or  nothing  to  support  this  Goum'  &  being  few 
&  poor  are  like  to  do  litle  for  y°  future  for  or  Benefit  Si  therfore  wer  like 
to  bee  burthensom  rather  than  benificial. 

I  Answer  The  number  of  Deputyes  in  y*  County  According  to  reason 
may  &  ought  to  be  limited  to  a  lesser  number  Sc  according  to  their  ability 
they  are  obliged  to  pay  taxes  as  others  doe;  for  now  those  priviledges 
they  had  before  by  Articles  are  extinct. 

Thus  desiring  the  lord  to  guide  Sz  direct  the  honble  Court  in  the  con- 
clusion that  it  may  bee  for  Gods  honour  &  publike  good  we  remaine  yor 
Humble  servants 

Daniel  Gookin  Sen 
Bartho  Gedney 
William  Johnson 
Jo.  Wayte 


CHAPTER  XIV 

N  nothing  else  do  the  sterling  traits  of  Daniel 
Gookin's  character  stand  forth  more  saliently 
than  in  his  work  among  the  Indians  of  Massa- 
chusetts. The  story  of  that  work  is  the  record 
of  long  years  of  painstaking  effort  and  self-sacri- 
ficing devotion  ;  of  steady  persistence  in  the  face 
of  difficulties  and  discouragements;  of  unwaver- 
ing determination,  matched  only  by  that  of  his  friend  and 
associate,  the  saintly  Eliot.  It  was  work  that  called  for  never- 
failing  tact,  firmness  tempered  by  discretion,  patience,  and 
kindly  sympathy.  To  these  qualities,  possessed  in  full  measure 
by  both  Eliot  and  Gookin,  the  success  that  attended  their 
labours  may  be  ascribed.  Another  essential  qualification  was 
abundance  of  "the  judgement  of  Charity,"  to  quote  Daniel's 
own  phrase.  "For  my  own  part,  I  have  no  doubt,  but  am 
fully  satisfied,"  were  his  words  in  speaking  of  the  Indian  con- 
verts, "that  divers  of  them  do  fear  God  and  are  true  believers; 
but  yet  I  will  not  deny  but  that  there  may  be  some  of  them 
hypocrites,  that  profess  religion,  and  yet  are  not  sound  hearted. 
But  things  that  are  secret  belong  to  God;  and  things  that  are 
revealed,  unto  us  and  our  children."1 

"Things  that  are  secret  belong  to  God  I"  In  this  pregnant 
expression  is  revealed  the  attitude  of  mind  with  which  he 
regarded  his  fellow  men.  And  what  eloquent  testimony  it 
bears  to  the  loftiness  of  his  soul! 


1  Hist.  Collections  of  the  Ind.  in  New  Eng.,  p.  183. 

126 


WORK  AMONG  THE  INDIANS  127 

Daniel's  interest  in  the  red  men  was  awakened  very  soon 
after  his  removal  to  Massachusetts,  and  may  not  improbably 
have  had  its  inception  during  his  earlier  experiences  in  Vir- 
ginia. When  he  took  up  his  abode  in  Roxbury,  Eliot  was 
deep  in  his  study  of  the  Indian  language,  with  the  assistance  of 
one  Job  Nesutan,  "a  very  good  linguist  in  the  English  tongue," 
whom  he  hired  to  live  in  his  family  and  act  as  his  teacher,  and 
who,  later  on,  became  his  assistant  in  translating  the  Bible  and 
other  books.  The  motives  that  impelled  the  Apostle  to  under- 
take the  conversion  and  civilization  of  the  Indians  have  been 
set  forth  by  Daniel,  and  in  so  doing  it  is  safe  to  say  that  his 
own  motives  are  also  presented. 

"  In  this  work,"  he  wrote,  "did  this  good  man  industriously 
travail  sundry  years,  without  any  external  encouragement,  from 
men  I  mean,  as  to  the  receiving  any  salary  or  reward.  Indeed 
verbal  encouragements,  and  the  presence  of  divers  persons  at 
his  lectures,  he  wanted  not.  The  truth  is,  Mr.  Eliot  engaged 
in  this  great  work  of  preaching  unto  the  Indians  upon  a  very 
pure  and  sincere  account:  for  I  being  his  neighbour  and  inti- 
mate friend,  at  the  time  when  he  first  attempted  this  enter- 
prise, he  was  pleased  to  communicate  unto  me  his  design,  and 
the  motives  that  induced  him  thereunto;  which,  as  I  remem- 
ber, were  principally  these  three. 

"  First,  the  Glory  of  God,  in  the  conversion  of  some  of 
these  poor,  desolate  souls. 

"Secondly,  his  compassion  and  ardent  affection  to  them, 
as  of  mankind  in  their  great  blindness  and  ignorance. 

"Thirdly,  and  not  the  least,  to  endeavour,  so  far  as  in  him 
lay  the  accomplishment  and  fulfilling  the  covenant  and  prom- 
ise, that  New  England  people  had  made  unto  their  King,  when 
he  granted  them  their  patent  or  charter,  viz:  that  one  principal 
end  of  their  going  to  plant  these  countries,  was  to  commu- 
nicate the  gospel  unto  the  native  Indians." 

By  the  autumn  of  1646  Eliot  had  made  such  progress  in 
his  studies  "that  he  adventured  to  make  beginning  to  preach 
the  glad  tidings  of  salvation"  to  the  Indians,  in  their  own 
tongue.  His  first  lecture  without  the  aid  of  an  interpreter 
was  made  on  October  28,  at"Nonantum,  near  Watertown  mill, 


128  ELIOT'S  COADJUTOR 

upon  the  south  side  of  the  Charles  river,  about  four  or  five 
miles  from  his  own  house;  where  lived  at  that  time  Waban, 
one  of  their  principal  men,  and  some  Indians  with  him."  In 
his  account  of  this  memorable  occasion,  Eliot  states  that  he 
was  accompanied  by  "three  others,"  one  of  whom  was  in  all 
probability  his  friend  Gookin.  Certain  it  is  that  Daniel  was 
in  the  habit  of  attending  these  discourses,  which  were  contin- 
ued for  several  years  until  the  Indians  removed  to  Natick,  for 
he  relates  an  incident  about  an  Indian  convert  named  Hia- 
coomes,  told  him  by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Mayhew,  Jr.,  "in  travel- 
ling on  foot  between  Watertown  lecture  and  Cambridge,  the 
Indian  that  was  the  principal  person  concerned  being  with 
him."   This  was  either  in  1649  or  early  in  1650. 

Being  away  from  the  colony  a  good  deal  during  the  earlier 
years  of  his  residence  in  Cambridge,  it  is  likely  that  Captain 
Gookin  was  drawn  into  the  Indian  work  gradually.  By  the 
year  1656  the  settlements,  or  as  they  were  denominated  "pray- 
ing towns,"  six  in  number,  of  the  Indians  who  had  made 
profession  of  Christianity  and  formally  submitted  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  Massachusetts,  had  become  so  well  established  that 
the  General  Court  found  it  desirable  to  appoint  and  empower 
"one  of  the  English  magistrates  to  join  with  the  chief  of  their 
rulers,  and  keep  a  higher  Court  among  them;  extending  the 
power  of  this  court  to  the  latitude  of  a  county  court  among 
the  English;  from  the  jurisdiction  whereof  nothing  for  good 
order  and  government  civil  or  criminal  is  excepted,  but  appeals, 
life,  limb,  banishment  and  cases  of  divorce."  Obviously  the 
fittest  of  the  Magistrates  for  this  position  was  Eliot's  chosen 
associate  and  coadjutor,  already,  for  his  interest  in  their  wel- 
fare and  in  fostering  their  education,  known  as  the  Indians' 
friend.  Daniel  was  accordingly  appointed  the  first  ruler,  or 
Superintendent,  of  the  Praying  Indians.  This  was  in  1656,  not 
long  after  his  return  from  England,  and  while  he  was  engaged 
upon  the  bootless  mission  for  the  colonization  of  Jamaica. 
He  entered  upon  his  duties  with  zeal,  but  being  called  back 
to  England  the  next  year,  Major  General  Humphrey  Ather- 
ton  of  Dorchester  was  appointed  in  his  stead.  Though  Daniel 
returned  in  the  summer  of  1660,  General  Atherton  continued 


IN  CHARGE  OF  PRAYING  INDIANS  129 

to  serve  until  the  following  year,  when  he  was  taken  ill  and 
died.  Then,  on  November  27,  1661,  "in  answer  to  the  petition 
of  Mr  John  Eliot  in  behalf  of  the  Indians,"  Captain  Gookin 
was  again  appointed  "to  keep  Courts  amongst"  them.  In 
this  position  he  continued  until  the  abrogation  of  the  Charter 
Government,  in  1686.  As  interpreted  by  this  faithful  servant 
of  the  commonwealth,  the  duties  imposed  were  not  light.  He 
has  told  us  himself  in  what  they  consisted.  After  reciting  the 
orders  passed  by  the  General  Court, "  For  the  better  ordering 
and  governing  the  Indians  subject  to  us,  especially  those  of 
Natick,  Punkapaog,  &c,"  and  the  requirement  that  he  should 
once  a  year  make  known  to  them  "such  necessary  and  whole- 
some laws,  which  are  in  force,  and  may  be  made  from  time  to 
time,  to  reduce  them  to  civility  of  life,"  and  to  determine  all 
causes  arising  thereunder,  except  a  few  of  which  cognizance 
was  reserved  to  the  General  Court,  he  proceeds:1 

"  Besides  the  work  above  mentioned,  transacted  by  the 
English  magistrate  and  his  assistants,  there  are  sundry  other 
things  done  by  him  in  order  to  their  good;  as  the  mak- 
ing of  orders,  and  giving  instructions  and  directions,  backed 
with  penalties,  for  promoting  and  practising  morality,  civil- 
ity, industry,  and  diligence  in  their  particular  callings:  for 
idleness  and  improvidence  are  the  Indians'  great  sin,  and  is  a 
kind  of  second  nature  to  them,  which  by  good  example  and 
wholesome  laws,  gradually  applied,  with  God's  blessing  may 
be  rooted  out. 

"Likewise  it  is  the  care  of  this  English  magistrate,  intrusted 
with  this  affair,  to  make  and  execute  good  orders  for  keeping 
holy  the  sabbath  day;  and  that  the  people  do  attend  the  public 
worship  of  God;  and  that  schools  for  the  education  of  youth 
be  settled  and  continued  among  them;  and  to  provide  that  the 
Indian  teachers2  and  rulers  have  some  small  encouragement 

1  Hist.  Collections  of  the  Ind.  in  New  Eng.,chap.  VI. 

2 Further  on  he  says  :  "Their  teachers  are  generally  chosen  from  among  them- 
selves—  except  some  few  English  teachers  —  of  the  most  pious  and  able  men  among 
them.  If  these  did  not  supply,  they  would  generally  be  destitute:  for  the  learned 
English  young  men  do  not  hitherto  incline  or  endeavour  to  fit  themselves  for  that  serv- 
ice, by  learning  the  Indian  language.  Possibly  the  reasons  may  be :  First,  the 
difficulty  to  attain  that  speech.     Secondly,  little  encouragement  while  they  prepare 


130  CAPTAIN  GOOKIN'S  HONORARIUM 

distributed  among  them,  according  to  the  people's  ability, 
which  is  done  out  of  the  tenths  of  their  yearly  increase  of  all 
sorts  of  grain  and  pulse.  This  tithe  is  set  apart  at  the  ingath- 
ering and  threshing  of  their  grain,  and  brought  into  one  place 
in  each  town,  as  due  unto  the  Lord;  and  is  disposed  of  by 
order  of  the  Court,  for  support  of  those  that  attend  public 
service  in  both  orders,  in  that  place  proportionably. 

"Besides  the  particulars  above  mentioned,  there  are  sundry 
other  things,  that  fall  under  the  consideration  of  the  English 
magistrate,  that  have  great  influence  into  their  religious  con- 
cern, and  hath  frequent  occasions  and  opportunities  to  press 
christian  exhortations  upon  them  for  their  soul's  good." 

After  passing  to  some  other  matters,  he  adds:  "Before  we 
conclude  this  chapter,  it  may  not  be  impertinent  for  the  better 
clearing  of  things,  to  remark,  that  the  English  magistrate 
attending  this  service  among  the  Indians,  never  had  any  com- 
pensation for  his  travail  and  expenses  in  this  kind,  either  from 
Indians  or  English  in  New  England;  though  it  is  well  known, 
he  hath,  as  well  as  their  teacher,  Mr.  Eliot,  had  many  weary 
journies  among  them  yearly,  and  under  sundry  trials,  when  he 
is  forced  to  lodge  in  their  woods  and  wigwams.1  But  the 
Honourable  Corporation  at  London,  for  propagating  the  gos- 
pel among  the  Indians  in  New  England,  have  been  pleased  of 
late  years,  by  the  hands  of  their  delegates,  the  honoured  Com- 
missioners of  the  united  colonies  in  New  England,  to  confer 
upon  him  out  of  the  publick  stock,  at  first  fifteen  pounds,  now 
twenty  pounds,  New  England  money,  per  annum,  and  as  an 
honorarium  for  his  service  among  the  praying  Indians.  This  is 

for  it.  Thirdly,  the  difficulty  in  the  practice  of  such  a  calling  among  them,  by  reason  of 
the  poverty  and  barbarity,  which  cannot  be  grappled  with,  unless  the  person  be  very 
much  mortified,  self-denying  and  of  a  publick  spirit,  seeking  greatly  God's  glory; 
and  these  are  rare  qualifications  in  young  men.  It  is  but  one  of  a  hundred  that  is  so 
endowed." 

1In  another  place  he  says:  "I  have  often  lodged  in  their  wigwams;  and  have 
found  them  as  warm  as  the  best  English  houses.  In  their  wigwams  they  make  a  kind 
of  couch  or  mattresses,  firm  and  strong,  raised  about  a  foot  high  from  the  earth  ;  first 
covered  with  boards  that  they  split  out  of  trees ;  and  upon  the  boards  they  spread 
mats  generally  and  sometimes  bear  skins  and  deer  skins.  These  are  large  enough  for 
three  or  four  persons  to  lodge  upon  :  and  one  may  either  draw  nearer  or  keep  at  a 
more  distance  from  the  heat  of  the  fire,  as  they  please ;  for  their  mattresses  are  six  or 
eight  feet  broad." 


GENEROUS  COMMENDATION  131 

spoken  here  to  declare,  that  those  that  labour  in  this  harvest, 
are  first  to  endeavour  to  learn  perfectly  that  first  lesson  in 
Christ's  school,  I  mean  self  denial.  Secondly,  to  keepe  the 
eye  of  faith  fixed  upon  God,  whose  work  it  is,  who  will  never 
fail  to  recompense  either  here  or  hereafter,  all  that  work  in 
his  harvest.  Indeed  if  he  please  to  employ  and  accept  us  in 
Christ  Jesus,  it  is  a  sufficient  reward.  Lastly,  let  not  any  one 
be  so  uncharitable,  as  to  think  that  what  is  here  mentioned,  is 
to  reflect  upon  any,  or  to  repine  at  God's  bounty  in  the  por- 
tion allotted,  being  it  is  far  more  than  was  expected.  When 
the  work  was  engaged  in  and  undertaken,  the  principles  and 
motions  thereunto  were,  through  grace,  of  higher  alloy  than 
gold,  yea  than  fine  gold.'' 

Small  as  was  this  honorarium,  not  much,  if  any,  more  than 
enough  to  defray  the  expenses  to  which  he  was  put,  and  per- 
haps inadequate  for  his  reinbursement,  there  is  some  reason 
to  believe  that  without  it  he  would  not  have  been  able  to  con- 
tinue the  work.  In  1663  the  Corporation  for  Propagating  the 
Gospel  among  the  Indians  in  New  England — which  had  been 
formed  in  1650  by  philanthropic  men  in  England  who  had 
been  stirred  by  the  accounts  of  the  labours  of  Eliot  and 
Mayhew,  —  being  straightened  in  means,  desired  that  the 
appropriation  formerly  made  by  the  Commissioners  might 
"be  forborne;  unlesse  it  be  thought  .  .  .  that  some  unavoid- 
able prejudice  might  happen  to  the  work  for  the  want  therof."1 
The  Commissioners,  in  their  reply,  stated  they  found  Captain 
Gookin's  labours  among  the  Indians  "of  much  use  and  benefit 
to  them;  and  therefore  could  not  but  desire  him  to  go  on  in 
that  worke."2  Eliot's  letter  to  the  Commissioners  is  pre- 
served in  the  Connecticut  Archives.3  It  bears  date  August 
25,1664.     In  it  he  says: 

"Because  of  what  was  written  by  the  Honorable  Corporation  of  lay- 
ing aside  Capt.  Gookin  in  this  worke,  I  was  bold  to  request  of  them  his 
continuance  and  incouragem1,  presenting  my  reasons,  weh  I  thank  God  and 
them  were  so  accepted  as  that  they  doe  approve  both  of  his  labour  and 

hazard's  Hist.  Colls.,  ii, 470. 

2 Ibid.,  ii,  474. 

'Ecclesiastical  Papers,  vol.  1,  Doc.  10a. 


132     JOURNEY  TO  THE  NIPMUCK  COUNTRY 

incouragem*,  wrh  they  leave  to  yourselves  for  the  measure;  and  my  humble 
request  is  that  it  may  be  honorable.  If  I  thought  it  were  needful,  I  could 
prsent  you  w,h  reasons  wch  I  doubt  not  but  would  be  accepted  by  you. 
This  is  one,  that  doth  necessarily  bring  much  resort  to  his  house,  and  of 
such  as  canot  in  comon  civility  and  humanity  be  sent  away  wthout  enter" 
tainmen*.     Which  I  intreat  your  prudent  consideration  of. 

"The  Honrable  Corporation  doe  require  of  me  to  give  them  intima- 
tion how  a  greater  revennue  might  be  best  imployed  in  this  work:  now 
my  opinion  hath  allways  bene,  yl  the  sending  forth  and  supporting  fitting 
instrumts  is  a  necessary  and  I  conceive,  the  best  way,  to  promote  this 
worke;  and  you  see  y1  Divine  Providence  hath  ripened  more  feilds 
toward  this  harvest,  wch  call  for  more  labourers,  and  will  multiply  the 
labours  of  such  as  he  therein  imployed;  wch  affords  another  reason  of  an 
honorable  incouragm1  to  Capt.  Gookin,  whose  busynesse  doth  much 
inlarge,  had  he  wherewth  to  afford  answerable  attendance." 

In  1668  the  Corporation's  revenue,  "because  of  losses  in 
the  great  London  fire,"  had  fallen  so  low  that  the  Commission- 
ers were  requested  "to  abate  all  charge  that  is  not  essentiall  to 
the  being  of  this  good  worke."  Answering  this,  the  Commis- 
sioners said  in  their  reply: 

"Nor  doe  wee  understand  that  your  caution  therein  respects  Captain 
Gookin,  whose  great  labour  and  good  success  therein  is  of  such  use  that  if 
not  attended  by  him  must  bee  by  some  other  or  the  want  thereof  wilbee 
soon  found." 

The  account  given  by  Daniel  of  a  journey  which  he  and 
Eliot  took  to  visit  seven  "new  praying  towns  in  the  Nip- 
muck  country,"  affords  a  life-like  picture  of  these  devoted  men 
engaged  in  the  work  they  had  so  much  at  heart. 

"The  Indians  of  some  of  these  towns  began  to  hearken 
unto  the  gospel  about  three  years  since,  or  thereabouts.  In 
July  1673,  Mr.  Eliot  and  myself  made  a  journey  to  visit  some 
of  them,  and  encourage  and  exhort  them  to  proceed  in  the 
ways  of  God. 

"This  year  again,  on  the  14th  of  September  last,  1674,  we 
both  took  another  journey.  Our  design  was  to  travel  further 
among  them,  and  to  confirm  their  souls  in  the  christian 
religion,  and  to  settle  teachers  in  every  town,  and  to  establish 


AT  CHABANAKONGKOMUN  133 

civil  government  among  them,  as  in  other  praying  towns. 
We  took  with  us  five  or  six  godly  persons  who  we  intended 
to  present  unto  them  for  ministers. 

"The  first  of  these  new  praying  towns  is  Manchage,1  which 
lieth  to  the  westward  of  Nipmuck  river,  about  eight  miles; 
and  is  from  Hassanamesitt,2  west  and  by  south,  about  ten  miles; 
and  it  is  from  Boston  about  fifty  miles,  on  the  same  rhumb 
.  .  .  For  this  place  we  appointed  Waabesktamin,  a  hopeful 
young  man,  for  their  minister  .  .  . 

"Above  five  miles  distant  from  hence  is  a  second  town 
called  Chabanakongkomun3  ...  Mr.  Eliot  preached  unto 
this  people,  and  we  prayde  and  sung  psalms  with  them,  and 
they  were  exhorted  by  us  to  stand  steadfast  in  the  faith.  A 
part  of  one  night  we  spent  in  discoursing  with  them,  touching 
matters  of  religion  and  civil  order.  The  teacher  Joseph  and 
the  constable  James  went  with  us  unto  the  next  town  which  is 
called  Maanexit4  .  .  .  The  inhabitants  are  about  twenty  fami- 
lies, and,  as  we  compute,  one  hundred  souls.  Mr.  Eliot 
preached  unto  this  people  out  of  the  xxiv,h  Ps.  7  to  the  end: 
Lift  up  your  heads,  O  ye  gates,  and  be  ye  lift  up,  ye  everlasting 
doors,  and  the  king  of  glory  shall  come  in  &c.  After  sermon  was 
ended,  we  presented  unto  them  John  Moqua,  a  pious  and 
sober  person  there  present,  for  their  present  minister,  which 
they  thankfully  accepted.  Then  their  teacher  named,  and  set, 
and  rehearsed,  a  suitable  psalm,  which  being  sung,  and  a  con- 
clusion with  prayer,  they  were  exhorted,  both  the  teacher  to 
be  diligent  and  faithful,  and  to  take  care  of  the  flock,  whereof 
the  Holy  Ghost  had  made  him  overseer,  and  the  people  also 
to  give  obedience  and  subjection  to  him  in  the  Lord." 

"Being  straightened  for  time,"  they  passed  by  the  fourth 
village,  and  proceeded  to  Wabquissit,  in  the  southwest  corner 
of  what  is  now  Woodstock,  Connecticut. 

"We  came  thither  late  in  the  evening,  upon  the  15th  of 
September  and  took  up  our  quarters  at  the  sagamore's  wig- 
wam, who  was  not  at  home:  but  his  squaw  courteously  admit- 

1  Oxford. 

2  Grafton. 

3  Dudley. 

4  The  northeast  part  of  Woodstock,  Conn. 


134  AT  WABQUISSIT 

ted  us,  and  provided  liberally,  in  their  way,  for  the  Indians  that 
accompanied  us.  This  sagamore  inclines  to  religion,  and  keeps 
the  meeting  on  sabbath  days  at  his  house,  which  is  spacious, 
about  sixty  feet  in  length,  and  twenty  feet  in  width.  .  .  . 

"We  being  at  Wabquissit,  at  the  sagamore's  wigwam,  divers 
of  the  principal  people  that  were  at  home  came  to  us,  with 
whom  we  spent  a  good  part  of  the  night  in  prayer,  sing- 
ing psalms,  and  exhortations.  There  was  a  person  among 
them,  who  sitting  mute  a  great  space,  at  last  spake  to  this 
effect:  That  he  was  agent  for  Unkas,  sachem  of  Mohegan 
who  challenged  right  to,  and  dominion  over,  this  people  of 
Wabquissit  and  said  he,  Unkas  is  not  well  pleased,  that  the 
English  should  pass  over  Mohegan  river,  to  call  his  Indians 
to  pray  to  God. 

"  Unto  which  speech  Mr.  Eliot  first  answered,  that  it  was 
his  work  to  call  upon  all  men  every  where,  as  he  had  oppor- 
tunity, especially  the  Indians,  to  repent  and  embrace  the  gos- 
pel; but  he  did  not  meddle  with  civil  right  or  jurisdiction. 

"When  he  had  done  speaking,  then  I  declared  to  him,  and 
desired  him  to  inform  Unkas  what  I  said,  that  Wabquissit 
was  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts,  and  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  that  people  did  belong  to  them;  and  that  they  do 
look  upon  themselves  concerned  to  promote  the  good  of  all 
people  within  their  limits,  especially  if  they  embraced  Christi- 
anity. Yet  it  was  not  hereby  intended  to  abridge  the  Indian 
sachems  of  their  just  and  ancient  right  over  the  Indians,  in 
respect  of  paying  tribute  or  any  other  dues.  But  the  main 
design  of  the  English  was  to  bring  them  to  the  good  know- 
ledge of  God  in  Christ  Jesus;  and  to  suppress  among  them 
those  sins  of  drunkenness,  idolatry,  powowing  or  witchcraft, 
whoredom,  murder,  and  like  sins.  As  for  the  English,  they 
had  taken  no  tribute  from  them,  nor  taxed  them  with  any 
thing  of  that  kind. 

"Upon  the  16th  day  of  September,  being  at  Wabquissit,  as 
soon  as  the  people  were  come  together,  Mr.  Eliot  first  prayed, 
and  then  preached  to  them  in  their  own  language  out  of  Mat. 
vi.  33.  First  seek  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  the  righteousness  thereof, 
and  all  other  things  shall  be  added  unto  you.    Their  teacher  Samp- 


COURTS  HELD  AMONG  THE  INDIANS        135 

son  first  reading  and  setting  the  cxix  Ps.  1st  part,  which  was 
sung.     The  exercise  was  concluded  with  prayer. 

"Then  I  began  a  court  among  the  Indians.  And  first  I 
approved  their  teacher  Sampson,  and  their  constable  Black 
James;  giving  each  of  them  a  charge  to  be  diligent  and  faith- 
ful in  their  places.  Also  I  exhorted  the  people  to  yield 
obedience  to  the  gospel  of  Christ  and  to  those  set  in  order 
there.  Then  published  a  warrant  or  order,  that  I  had  pre- 
pared, empowering  the  constable  to  suppress  drunkenness, 
sabbath  breaking,  especially  powowing  and  idolatry.  And 
after  warning  given,  to  apprehend  all  delinquents,  and  bring 
them  before  authority,  to  answer  for  their  misdoings;  the 
smaller  faults  to  bring  before  Wattascompanum,  ruler  of  the 
Nipmuck  country;  for  idolatry  and  powowing  to  bring  them 
before  me:  So  we  took  leave  of  this  people  of  Wabquissit, 
and  about  eleven  o'clock  returned  back  to  Maanexit  and 
Chabanakongkomun,  where  we  lodged  this  night. 

"We  took  leave  of  the  christian  Indians  at  Chabanakong- 
komun, and  took  our  journey,  17th  of  the  seventh  month,  by 
Manchage,  to  Pakachoog;  which  lieth  from  Manchage,  north 
west,  about  twelve  miles.  We  arrived  there  about  noon.  This 
village  lieth  about  three  miles  south  from  the  new  road  way 
that  leadeth  from  Boston  to  Connecticut;  about  eighteen  miles, 
west  southerly,  from  Marlborough ;  and  from  Boston  about 
forty  four  miles.  It  consists  of  about  twenty  families  and 
hath  about  one  hundred  souls  therein.  This  town  is  seated 
upon  a  fertile  hill1  and  is  denominated  from  a  delicate  spring 
of  water  that  is  there.  We  repaired  to  the  sagamore's  house, 
called  John,  alias  Horowanninit,  who  kindly  entertained  us. 
...  As  soon  as  the  people  could  be  got  together,  Mr.  Eliot 
preached  unto  them  ;  and  they  attended  reverently.  Their 
teacher,  named  James  Speen,  being  present,  read  and  set  the 
tune  of  a  psalm,  that  was  sung  affectionately.  Then  was  the 
whole  duty  concluded  with  prayer. 

"  After  some  short  respite,  a  court  was  kept  among  them, 
My  chief  assistant  was  Wattascompanum,  ruler  of  the  Nip- 

1  Probably  the  hill  called  Boggachoag,  situated  partly  in  Worcester  and  partly 
in  Ward. 


136  ARROGANCE  OF  COLONISTS 

muck  Indians,  a  grave  and  pious  man,  of  the  chief  sachem's 
blood  of  the  Nipmuck  country.  He  resides  at  Hassanamesitt; 
but  by  former  appointment,  calleth  here,  together  with  some 
others.  The  principal  matter  done  at  this  court,  was  first  to 
constitute  John  and  Solomon  to  be  rulers  of  this  people  and 
co-ordinate  in  power,  clothed  with  the  authority  of  the  English 
government,  which  they  accepted:  also  to  allow  and  approve 
James  Speen  for  their  minister.  .  .  . 

"After  this  business  was  over,  it  being  night  before  we  had 
finished  the  court,  there  was  an  Indian  present,  which  came 
into  the  wigwam  about  an  hour  before.  He  was  belonging  to 
Weshakim  or  Nashaway.  This  Indian  desired  liberty  to 
speak;  which  being  admitted,  he  made  a  speech  with  much 
affection  and  gravity  to  this  effect:  To  declare  that  he  belonged 
to  Washakim  near  Nashaway;  and  that  he  was  desirously  will- 
ing, as  well  as  some  others  of  his  people,  to  pray  to  God;  but 
that  there  were  sundry  of  that  people  very  wicked  and  much 
addicted  to  drunkennesss,  and  thereby  many  disorders  were 
committed  among  them;  and  therefore  he  earnestly  impor- 
tuned me,  that  I  would  put  forth  power  to  help  in  that  case, 
to  suppress  the  sin  of  drunkenness.  Then  I  asked  him, 
whether  he  would  take  upon  him  the  office  of  a  constable,  and 
I  would  give  him  power  to  apprehend  drunkards,  and  take 
away  their  strong  drink  from  them,  and  bring  the  delinquent 
before  me  to  receive  punishment.  His  answer  was,  that  he 
would  first  speak  with  his  friends,  and  if  they  chose  him,  and 
strengthened  his  hand  in  the  work,  then  he  would  come  to  me 
for  a  black  staff  and  power.  I  asked  him  whether  he  were 
willing  to  have  Jethro  to  go  and  preach  to  them:  to  which  he 
readily  complied,  and  seemed  joyful  thereat.  After  this  dis- 
course, we  concluded  with  singing  a  psalm  and  prayer;  and  so 
retired  to  rest.  And  the  next  morning  early,  being  September 
the  1 8th,  we  took  our  leave  of  the  Indians,  and  passed  to 
Marlborough;  and  from  thence  returned  to  our  own  habita- 
tions." 

At  the  time  these  words  were  written,  in  November,  1674, 
Daniel  estimated  the  number  of  Indian  converts  to  be  no  less 
than  eleven   hundred  souls.     The  greatest  obstacles   against 


A  SLANDEROUS  REPORT  137 

which  Eliot  and  Gookin  had  to  contend  arose  even  more  from 
the  arrogance  and  cupidity  of  their  fellow  colonists  than  from 
the  savagery  and  intractability  of  the  Indians.  "I  am  not 
ignorant,"  Daniel  wrote,  "that  there  are  some  persons,  both 
in  Old  and  New  England,  that  have  less  thoughts  of  this  work, 
and  are  very  prone  to  speak  diminutively  thereof."  When 
Major  Gibbons  was  sent  against  the  Narragansetts,  in  1645, 
he  was  instructed  "to  have  due  regard  to  the  distance  which 
is  to  be  observed  betwixt  Christians  and  Barbarians,  as  well 
in  wars  as  in  other  negotiations."  By  the  common  people 
the  Indians  were  generally  regarded  with  mingled  contempt 
and  fear.  Insolent  and  even  brutal  treatment  by  the  whites 
was  far  too  frequent.  And,  to  quote  Daniel  Gookin's  words, 
"though  all  strong  drink  is  strictly  prohibited  to  be  sold  to 
any  Indian  in  the  Massachusetts  colony,  upon  the  penalty 
of  forty  shillings  a  pint;  yet  some  ill-disposed  people,  for 
filthy  lucre's  sake,  do  sell  unto  the  Indians  secretly,  though 
the  Indians  will  rarely  discover  their  evil  merchants — they 
do  rather  suffer  whipping  or  fine  than  tell.  Hereby  they  are 
made  drunk  very  often;  and  being  drunk,  are  many  times 
outrageous  and  mad,  fighting  with  and  killing  one  another,  yea 
sometimes  their  own  relations."  In  another  place  he  says:  "I 
have  often  seriously  considered  what  course  to  take,  to  restrain 
this  beastly  sin  of  drunkenness  among  them;  but  hitherto 
cannot  reach  it.  For  if  it  were  possible,  as  it  is  not,  to  prevent 
the  English  selling  them  strong  drink;  yet  having  a  native 
liberty  to  plant  orchards  and  sow  grain,  as  barley  and  the  like, 
of  which  they  may  and  do  make  strong  drink  that  doth  inebri- 
ate them:  so  that  nothing  can  overcome  this  exorbitancy, 
but  the  sovereign  grace  of  God  in  Christ;  which  is  the  only 
antidote  to  prevent  and  mortify  the  poison  of  sin." 

Although  the  noble  and  disinterested  character  of  Daniel 
Gookin's  work  among  the  Indian  converts  committed  to  his 
charge  was  appreciated  at  its  true  worth  by  the  principal  men 
of  the  colony,  among  the  less  intelligent  of  the  people  slander- 
ous tongues  were  not  wanting  to  defame  him  when  anything 
occurred  to  awaken  the  fear  and  hatred  with  which  many  of 
them  regarded  their  savage  neighbors.     In  the  spring  of  1671, 


1 38  LETTER  TO  THOMAS  PRINCE 

when  apprehension  was  caused  by  the  threatening  attitude  of 
King  Philip,  a  report  was  circulated  that  the  testimony  given 
by  an  Indian  at  Plymouth  implicated  Daniel  as  having  used 
words  to  inflame  the  truculent  chief  toward  the  people  of  that 
colony.  The  suggestion  that  this  testimony  was  given  out 
by  the  Plymouth  authorities  led  Daniel  to  address  a  spirited 
letter  to  Thomas  Prince. 

DANIEL   GOOKIN    TO    GOVERNOR    PRINCE1 

Honoured  Sir, 

I  understand,  by  a  paper  brought  hither  by  Mr.  Southworth,  (being  a 
copy  of  some  Indian  testimony  left  upon  record  there),  wherein  I  am 
accused  for  speaking  words  to  a  Natick  Indian,  tending  to  animate  Philip 
and  his  Indians  against  you.  Sir,  I  look  upon  it  favoring  of  as  little  charity 
as  justice,  to  receive,  record,  and  publish  Indian  reports,  tending  to  the 
infamy  of  any  christian  man,  much  more  a  person  in  public  place,  with- 
out any  other  demonstration  than  such  figment  and  falsehood  as  usually 
accompany  the  Indians'  tales.  I  charge  no  person  with  doing  this  thing; 
neither  do  I  desire  to  know  who  it  is;  the  Lord  forgive  him  or  them  as  I 
do,  that  have  been  the  inventors  or  fomentors  of  such  a  false  and  reproach- 
ful scandal. 

Sir,  let  me  say  to  you  in  the  words  of  truth  and  soberness,  and  upon 
the  fidelity  of  a  christian,  and  in  the  presence  of  God,  before  whom  all 
things  are  naked  and  open,  that  such  a  thing  never  entered  into  my  heart, 
much  less  into  my  lips;  neither  did  I,  to  my  remembrance,  either  see  or 
speak  with  any  Natick  Indian  for  several  months  before  I  heard  of  this 
report;  nor  ever  did  I  speak  or  lisp  to  any  Indian  of  Natick,  or  other,  the 
least  word  about  the  business,  since  first  I  heard  of  those  differences 
between  your  colony  and  the  Indians.  At  the  court  of  assistants,  March 
sitting  last,  at  the  time  when  your  letter  came,  and  the  court  considered  of 
it,  my  own  conscience,  and  others  present  there,  can  witness  how  for- 
ward I  was  to  strengthen  your  hands  in  that  matter;  but  first  to  try  all 
ways  of  prudence  to  issue  your  controversy :  but  in  case  the  Indians  be  not 
reduced  to  order,  then  to  give  forth  our  utmost  assistance,  as  the  case  should 
require.  And  of  this,  both  yourself  and  all  others  may  rest  assured,  that 
this  report  is  a  devised  thing;  and  I  may  say  of  it  as  Nehemiah,  (vid. 
Nehemiahvi,  8.)  that  there  is  no  such  thing,  but  the  authors  of  it  have 
feigned  it  out  of  their  own  heart,  to  this  end  my  hands  might  be  weak- 
ened in  the  work  God  hath  committed  to  me:  but  I  trust  in  God,  he  will 
disappoint  satan,  and  do  my  duty. 

Sir,  thus  much  I  thought  expedient  to  write  unto  you  about  this  mat- 
ter; not  that  I  stand  in  need  of  an  apology,  for  my  innocency  is  to  me  a 

'Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  Ser.  i,  vi,  198,  199. 


GOVERNOR  PRINCE'S  REPLY  139 

sufficient  shield  in  that  respect;  but  if  I  should  be  altogether  silent,  it 
might  be  interpreted  that  I  am  guilty.  Sir,  I  trust  yourself  and  other  your 
magistrates  will  put  on  such  christian  charity  as  not  to  credit  such  reports; 
but  I  am  not  unwilling  this  should  be  searched  to  the  bottom,  and  see  my 
accusers  face  to  face  and  not  to  shun  any  scrutiny  therein. 

Thus  desiring  to  present  my  due  respects  to  yourself,  and  the  rest  of 
the  magistrates,  I  remain 

Your  assured  loving  friend 

Daniel  Gookin 

Cambridge,  the  I2th  of  April,  1671. 

The  falsity  of  the  accusation  is  shown  by  Governor  Prince's 
reply,  which  shows  also  that  he  held  his  correspondent  in  high 
esteem. 

GOVERNOR    PRINCE   TO   DANIEL   GOOKIN 
Honored  Sir, 

Yours  of  14th  instant  I  received  yesterday,  by  which  I  perceive  you 
are  much  troubled  about  a  copy  of  an  Indian  testimony  by  Mr.  Southworth 
to  Boston;  not  because  we  took  it  for  truth,  but  that  we  might  know 
whether  there  were  truth  in  it  or  not,  (reports  being  indeed  very  false,  not 
only  among  Indians  but  many  English  also),  which,  for  aught  I  yet  see, 
might  lawfully  be  done,  without  the  least  impeachment  or  diminution  to 
charity  or  justice  to  any  christian  man,  though  in  place.  But  whereas 
you  please  to  charge  us  with  receiving,  recording,  and  publishing  such 
falsehoods  to  your  infamy;  Sir,  I  do  assure  you,  in  a  word  of  truth,  there 
is  nor  was  not  any  such  thing;  and  therefore  I  might  say  the  charge  is 
wanting  in  charity,  justice,  and  truth  also.  And  whereas  it  is  said  you 
should  speak  words  to  animate  Philip  and  his  Indians  against  us;  it  is 
some  mistake  or  misrepresentation,  for  that  paper  spoke  it  not.  That 
spake  of  not  fighting  with  Indians  about  horses  and  hogs,  but  as  matters  too 
low  to  shed  blood,  and  verily,  Sir,  we  think  so  too ;  and  therefore  advised 
them  to  keep  on  the  north  side  of  the  line,  and  not  go  to  Philip  to  fight; 
but  if  any  did  go,  and  were  killed,  they  should  keep  an  account  of  them, 
for  what  end  I  know  not.  The  last  words  about  keeping  an  account  are 
to  me  enigmatical;  but  in  the  whole,  not  one  word  of  animating  Philip  and 
his  Indians  to  fight  against  us;  and  therefore  that  report  cannot  be  ration- 
ally fathered  upon  that  paper.  For  your  readiness,  with  the  rest  of  the 
honoured  magistrates,  to  strengthen  our  weakness  in  case  of  need,  we  do 
and  shall  acknowledge  it  as  a  signal  token  of  your  brotherly  love  and 
care  for  us :  and  your  sending  messengers  to  see  the  ground  or  cause 
of  all  their  hostile  preparations,  a  high  experiment  of  christian  prudence, 
he  was  acceptable  to  us,  and  owned  of  the  Lord  also,  by  the  good  success 
most  pleased  to  give  to  their  endeavours  and  travel;  who  have,  I  hope, 
so  fully  informed  not  only  the  honourable  court  that  sent  them,  but  all 
others,  that  any  scruples  or  jealousies  on  our  part  needlessly  to  interrupt 


\ 


140  HOSTILITIES  AVERTED 

the  peace  of  the  country,  is,  by  that  prudent  act  of  yours,  removed. 
And  truly,  Sir,  what  was  mentioned  in  that  note,  was  never  so  received 
by  us;  but  upon  your  disowning  it,  we  should  readily  reject  it  as  a 
false  report,  without  any  of  those  several  kinds  of  asseverations  you 
please  to  express. 

Sir,  I  hope  you  will  still  retain  a  charitable  opinion  of  us,  and  your 
good  affection  towards  us,  notwithstanding  what  weakness  you  may  appre- 
hend in  us.  That  must  be  owned  on  all  hands  to  be  a  real  truth,  in  many 
things  xve  offend  all,  and  need  another  manner  of  covering  for  our  best 
actions  from  the  pure  eyes  of  the  eternal  Judge  than  our  own  righteous- 
ness, even  the  perfect  righteousness  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  whose 
grace  I  unfeignedly  commend  you  and  rest, 

Sir,  your  friend  and  servant, 
Plymouth,  this  26th  of  April,  1671  THOMAS  PRINCE 

Endorsed : 

These  for  his  very  good  friend  captain 
Daniel  Gookin,  at  Cambridge,  to  be 
presented. 

Before  this  letter  was  written  the  trouble  with  Philip  had 
been  averted,  and  not  until  four  years  later  did  open  hostilities 
begin  between  him  and  the  white  men. 


CHAPTER  XV 

HE  outbreak,  on  June  24,  1675,  of  the  carnival 
of  burning,  pillage,  and  carnage  generally  known 
as  King  Philip's  War,  brought  new  and  arduous 
duties  upon  the  Superintendent  of  the  Praying 
Indians,  and  for  some  years  the  work  he  had  car- 
ed on  with  the  Apostle  Eliot  was  grievously 


Warning  of  the  impending  conflict  was  first  given  by  one 
of  the  Christian  Indians  to  Daniel  Gookin,  who  relates  that 
"About  this  time  the  beginning  of  April,  Waban,1  the  princi- 
pal Ruler  of  the  praying  Indians  living  at  Natick,  came  to  one 
of  the  magistrates  on  purpose  and  imformed  him  that  he  had 
ground  to  fear  that  Sachem  Philip  and  other  Indians  his  con- 
federates, intended  some  mischief  shortly  to  the  English  and 
Christian  Indians.  Again,  in  May,  about  six  weeks  before  the 
war  began,  he  came  again  and  renewed  the  same.  Others 
also  of  the  Christian  Indians  did  speak  the  same  thing,  and 
that  when  the  woods  were  grown  thick  with  green  trees  then 
it  was  likely  to  appear,  earnestly  desiring  that  care  might  be 
had  and  means  used  for  prevention,  at  least  for  preparation  for 
such  a  thing;  and  a  month  after  the  war  began."2 

Serenely  confident  that  one  white  man  was  a  match  for  ten 

Elsewhere  described  by  Daniel  as  "a  person  of  great  prudence  and  piety." 
He  was  then  "above  seventy  years  of  age." 

2  History  of  the  Christian  Indians.  Coll.  Am.  Antiq.  Soc.  ii,  440,  441.  All  of 
the  words  of  Daniel  Gookin  quoted  in  this  chapter  and  the  next  are  taken  from  this 
source. 

141 


142  DEFENSIVE  MEASURES  URGED 

Indians,  little  apprehension  seems  to  have  been  awakened  by 
these  repeated  warnings.  In  vain  did  Daniel  Gookin  urge 
the  defensive  measures  of  which  he  speaks  in  the  following 
words: 

"The  situation  of  those  towns  was  such  that  the  Indians 
in  them  might  have  been  improved  as  a  wall  of  defence  about 
the  greatest  part  of  the  colony  of  Massachusetts;  for  the  first 
named  of  those  villages  bordered  upon  the  Merrimack  river, 
and  the  rest  in  order  about  twelve  or  fourteen  miles  asunder, 
including  most  of  the  frontiers.  And  had  the  suggestions  and 
importunate  solicitations  of  some  persons^  who  had  knowledge  and 
experience  of  the  fidelity  and  integrity  of  the  Praying  Indians  been 
attended  and  practiced  in  the  beginning  of  the  war,  many  and 
great  mischiefs  might  have  been  (according  to  reason)  pre- 
vented; for  most  of  the  praying  towns,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  had  put  themselves  into  a  posture  of  defence,  and 
had  made  forts  for  their  security  against  the  common  enemy; 
and  it  was  suggested  and  proposed  to  the  authority  of  the 
country,  that  some  English  men,  about  one  third  part,  might 
have  been  joined  with  those  Christian  Indians  in  each  fort, 
which  the  praying  Indians  greatly  desired,  that  thereby  their 
fidelity  might  have  been  better  demonstrated,  and  that  with 
the  assistance  and  company  of  some  of  those  English  soldiers, 
they  might  daily  scout  or  range  the  woods  from  town  to  town, 
in  their  several  assigned  stations,  and  hereby  might  have  been 
as  a  living  wall  to  guard  the  English  frontiers,  and  conse- 
quently the  greatest  part  of  the  Jurisdiction,  which,  with  the 
blessing  of  God,  might  have  prevented  the  desolations  and 
devastations  that  afterward  ensued  .  .  .  But  such  was  the 
unhappiness  of  their  affairs,  or  rather  the  displeasure  of  God 
in  the  case,  that  those  counsels  were  rejected,  and  on  the  con- 
trary a  spirit  of  enmity  and  hatred  conceived  by  many  against 
those  poor  Christian  Indians,  as  I  apprehend  without  cause, 
so  far  as  I  could  ever  understand,  which  was,  according  to  the 
operation  of  second  causes,  a  very  great  occasion  of  many 
distressing  calamities  that  befell  both  one  and  the  other." 

Hostilities  began  with  the  attack  on  the  settlers  at  Swanzy, 
on  the  24th  of  June.     When,  two  days  later,  Major  Thomas 


OUTBREAK  OF  KING  PHILIP'S  WAR  143 

Savage,  with  a  foot  company  under  Captain  Daniel  Henchman, 
and  a  troop  commanded  by  Captain  Thomas  Prentice  set 
forth  against  the  enemy,  they  "at  first  thought  easily  to  chastise 
the  insolent  doings  and  murderous  practices  of  the  heathen." 
But,  as  Captain  Gookin  goes  on  to  say,  "it  was  found  another 
manner  of  thing  than  was  expected;  for  our  men  could  see  no 
enemy  to  shoot  at,  but  yet  felt  their  bullets  out  of  the  thick 
bushes  where  they  lay  in  ambushments.  The  enemy  also  used 
this  stratagem,  to  apparel  themselves  from  the  waist  upwards 
with  green  boughs,  that  our  Englishmen  could  not  readily 
discern  them,  or  distinguish  them  from  the  natural  bushes; 
this  manner  of  fighting  our  men  had  little  experience  of,  and 
hence  were  under  great  disadvantages.  The  English  wanted 
not  courage  or  resolution,  but  could  not  discern  or  find  an 
enemy  to  fight  with,  yet  were  galled  by  the  enemy." 

Although  the  General  Court  had  rejected  Daniel  Gookin's 
suggestions  for  utilizing  the  Christian  Indians  in  the  defense 
of  the  colony,  the  Governor  and  Council  were  more  ready  to 
listen  to  him.  They  "judged  it  very  necessary,"  he  says,  "to 
arm  and  send  forth  some  of  the  praying  Indians  to  assist  our 
forces,  hereby  not  only  to  try  their  fidelity,  but  to  deal  the 
better  with  the  enemy  in  their  own  ways  and  methods  accord- 
ing to  the  Indian  manner  of  fighting,  wherein  our  Indians 
were  well  skilled."  Accordingly,  on  July  2,  Captain  Gookin 
was  instructed  "to  raise  a  company  of  the  praying  Indians 
forthwith,  to  be  armed  and  furnished  and  sent  to  the  army  at 
Mount  Hope."  Messengers  were  at  once  sent  by  him  "to  all 
the  praying  Indians,1  for  one-third  of  their  able  men,  who  all 
readily  and  cheerfully  appeared,  and  being  enlisted  were 
about  52." 

These  Indians,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Major  Sav- 
age, Captain  Prentice  and  Captain  Henchman,  under  whom 
they  served,  acquitted  themselves  courageously  and  faithfully. 
It  would  not  have  been  surprising  had  it  been  otherwise,  for 
they  were  so  shabbily  treated  by  some  of  the  officers  and  sol- 
diers as  to  cause  them  great  disgust.  And  afterward,  when  the 

1Though  these  are  his  own  words,  they  should  be  understood  as  including  only 
the  Indians  belonging  to  the  so-called  old  praying  towns. 


144  INDISCRIMINATING  ANGER 

mass  of  the  colonists  were  overcome  by  panic-stricken  frenzy 
and  hatred  of  all  Indians  indiscriminately,  these  men  reported 
that  the  Christian  Indian  soldiers  "were  cowards  and  skulked 
behind  trees  in  fight,  and  that  they  shot  over  the  enemies  heads 
and  such  like  reproaches." 

In  August  the  anger  of  the  populace  was  greatly  inflamed 
by  the  sad  fate  of  Captain  Hutchinson's  expedition  to  Qua- 
baog,  or  Brookfield.  To  their  irrational  passion  it  signified 
nothing  that  the  escape  of  the  survivors  was  engineered  by  the 
two  Christian  Indians  who  accompanied  the  party,  and  that, 
through  the  skilful  guidance  of  others,  the  relief  forces  under 
Major  Willard  avoided  the  enemy  lying  in  wait  for  them. 
"Notwithstanding  those  signal  and  faithful  services  done  by 
those  Christian  Indians,  and  divers  others  not  here  related," 
wrote  Daniel  Gookin,  "yet  the  animosity  and  rage  of  the  com- 
mon people  increased  against  them,  that  the  very  name  of  a 
praying  Indian  was  spoken  against,  in  so  much,  that  some  wise 
and  principal  men  advise  some  that  were  concerned  with  them 
to  forbear  giving  that  epithet  of  praying.  This  rage  of  the 
people,  as  I  contend,  was  occasioned  from  hence.  Because 
much  mischief  being  done  and  English  blood  shed  by  the  bru- 
tish enemy,  and  because  some  neighbour  Indians  to  the  Eng- 
lish at  Quabage,  Hadley,  and  Springfield  (though  none  of  those 
were  praying  Indians)  had  proved  perfidious  and  were  become 
enemies  .  .  .  the  defection  of  those  Indians  .  .  .  had  a  tend- 
ency to  exasperate  the  English  against  all  Indians,  that  they 
would  admit  no  distinction  between  one  Indian  and  another, 
forgetting  that  the  Scriptures  do  record  that  sundry  of  the 
heathen  in  Israel's  time,  being  proselyted  to  the  Church  proved 
very  faithful  and  worthy  men  and  women." 

This  temper  among  the  people  was  too  violent  to  be  ignored. 
"Things  growing  to  this  height,"  says  Daniel  Gookin,  "the 
Governor  and  Council,  against  their  own  reason  and  inclina- 
tion, were  put  upon  a  kind  of  necessity,  for  gratifying  the 
people,  to  disband  all  the  praying  Indians,  and  to  make  and 
publish  an  order  to  confine  them  to  five  of  their  own  villages, 
and  not  stir  above  one  mile  from  the  centre  of  such  place, 
upon  peril  of  their   lives."     The   only   result  of  this  order, 


UNJUST  IMPUTATIONS  145 

which  was  passed  at  a  council  held  in  Boston,  August  30, 1675, 
was  that  "the  poor  Christian  Indians  were  reduced  to  great 
sufferings,  being  hindered  from  their  hunting  and  looking 
after  their  cattle,  swine,  and  getting  in  their  corn,  or  laboring 
among  the  English  to  get  clothes,  and  many  other  ways  incom- 
moded ;  also,  were  daily  exposed  to  be  slain  or  imprisoned,  if 
at  any  time  they  were  found  without  their  limits." 

The  very  day  this  order  was  promulgated,  Captain  Samuel 
Mosely  sent  to  Boston  "pinioned  and  fastened  with  lines  from 
neck  to  neck,"  fifteen  of  the  Indians  residing  in  Okonhome- 
sitt,  near  Marlborough.  Eleven  of  these  were,  by  a  renegade 
Indian  to  secure  his  own  safety,  accused  of  having  committed 
the  murder  of  seven  persons  at  Lancaster  on  August  22.  The 
people,  now  wrought  up  to  fever  heat,  would  have  condemned 
them  without  a  hearing,  and  included  in  their  anger  the  few 
who  dared  stand  up  for  them.  In  the  words  of  Daniel 
Gookin:  "Notwithstanding  the  Council's  endeavors  in  the 
former  orders,1  and  the  testimony  of  these  English  witnesses 
on  behalf  of  the  Christian  Indians,  yet  the  clamors  and  animos- 
ity among  the  common  people  increased  daily,  not  only  against 
the  Indians,  but  also  all  such  English  as  were  judged  to  be 
charitable  to  them.  And  particularly  many  harsh  reflections 
and  speeches  were  uttered  against  Major2  Daniel  Gookin,  and 
Mr.  John  Eliot,  the  former  of  whom  had  been  appointed  by 
the  authority  of  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  and 
approbation  of  the  Honorable  Governor  and  Corporation  for 
Gospelizing  those  Indians  to  rule  and  govern  those  Indians 
about  twenty  years,  and  the  latter  had  been  their  teacher  and 
minister  about  thirty  years,  as  if  they  did  support  and  protect 
those  Indians  against  the  English;  whereas  (God  knows)  there 
was  no  ground  for  such  an  imputation,  but  was  a  device  and 
contrivance  of  Satan  and  his  instruments  to  hinder  and  sub- 
vert the  work  of  religion  among  the  Indians.  ...  It  might 
rationally  have  been  considered,  that  those  two  persons  above- 
named,  who  had  (one  of  them  for  above  twenty  years,  and  the 
other  about  thirty  years),  been  acquainted  with,  and  conver- 

1  For  the  segregation  of  the  praying  Indians. 

2This  title  was  not  conferred  upon  him  until  May  of  the  next  year. 


i46  DISREGARDING  POPULAR  CLAMOR 

sant  among  those  Christian  Indians,  should  have  more  know- 
ledge and  experience  of  them  than  others  had,  and  consequently 
should  be  able  to  speak  more  particularly  concerning  such  of 
those  Indians  whom  they  knew  (according  to  a  judgment  of 
charity)  to  be  honest  and  pious  persons.  And  if  at  such  a  time 
they  should  have  been  wholly  silent  and  remiss  in  giving  a 
modest  testimony  concerning  them  when  called  thereunto, 
God  might  justly  have  charged  it  upon  them,  as  a  sin  and  neg- 
lect of  their  duty,  had  they  for  fear  declined  to  witness  the 
truth  for  Christ,  and  for  these  his  poor  distressed  servants, 
some  of  the  Christian  Indians." 

It  was  not,  indeed,  in  the  nature  of  a  man  of  Daniel  Goo- 
kin's  stamp  to  keep  silent  under  such  circumstances.  Instead 
he  put  forth  all  his  powers  in  the  interest  of  humanity  and 
justice.  By  his  fellow  magistrates  he  was  listened  to  with  the 
utmost  respect  and  consideration,  both  for  his  motives  and 
the  sanity  of  his  judgement.  By  the  insensate  people  it  was 
but  natural  that  he  should  be  misconceived.  The  prevailing 
temper  toward  him  is  shown  in  a  pamphlet  entitled  "The 
Present  State  of  New  England  with  Respect  to  the  Indian 
War,  Wherein  is  an  Account  of  the  true  Reason  thereof  (as 
far  as  can  be  Judged  by  Men)  Together  with  most  of  the 
Remarkable  Passages  that  have  happened  from  the  20th  of 
June,  till  the  10th  of  November,  1675.  Faithfully  composed 
by  a  Merchant  of  Boston,  and  Communicated  to  his  Friend 
in  London  1675." 

"There  are"  says  the  unknown  author  of  this  tract,  "also 
another  sort  of  Indians,  (best  known  to  the  Commonalty  of 
Boston)  by  the  name  of  Mr.  Elliot's  Indians  or  Captain  Guggins 
Indians. 

"This  Mr.  Elliot,  you  must  understand,  is  the  Man  that 
hath  by  his  own  great  Labour  and  Study,  invented  the  way  of 
Printing  the  Indian  Language,  and  hath  also  perfectly  trans- 
lated the  whole  Bible,  with  the  Singing  Psalms  in  Meeter;  the 
Assemblies  Catechism;  the  Practice  of  Piety,  into  the  Indian 
Language;  as  also  Written  several  Books,  very  profitable  for 
understanding  the  Grounds  of  Christian  Religion:  For  which 
Pains  and  Labour  he  deserves  Honour  from  all  such  who  are 


A  SCURRILOUS  PAMPHLET  147 

Well-Wishers  to  things  of  the  like  Nature,  whose  Name  will 
never  Die  in  New  England. 

"This  Captain  Guggins,  is  a  Captain  and  Justice  of  Peace 
at  Cambridg:  He  receives  Thirty  Pound  per  annum  from  the 
English,  as  fit  to  Judg  among  the  Indians,  to  Judg  any  differ- 
ence (not  Capital)  among  themselves,  or  between  them  and  the 
English.1 

"Toward  the  latter  end  of  August,  Captain  Moseley  took 
eight  Indians  alive,  and  sent  them  Prisoners  to  Boston,  who 
were  put  in  prison  there;  these  were  the  number  of  Mr. 
Elliot's  Indians;  (as  also  many  of  those  Indians  that  were  Shipt 
off  by  Captain  Sprague,  for  the  Straits  and  Gales)  these  men 
were  at  several  times  tried  for  their  Lives,  and  condemmed  to 
Die:  Mean  time  Mr.  Elliot  and  Captain  Guggins  pleaded  so 
very  hard  for  the  Indians,  that  the  whole  Council  knew  not 
what  to  do  about  them.  They  hearkened  unto  Mr.  Elliot  for 
his  Gravity  Age  and  Wisdom,  and  also  for  that  he  hath  been 
the  chief  Instrument  that  the  Lord  hath  made  use  of,  in  Prop- 
ogating  the  Gospel  among  the  Heathen;  And  was  their 
Teacher,  till  such  time  that  some  Indians  were  brought  up  in 
the  University  to  supply  his  place.  But  for  Captain  Guggins, 
why  such  a  wise  Council  as  they  should  be  so  over-born  by 
him,  cannot  be  judged  otherwise  than  because  of  his  daily 
troubling  them  with  his  Impertinences  and  multitudinous 
Speeches,  in  so  much  that  it  was  told  him  on  the  Bench  by  a 
very  worthy  Person2 there  present,  that  he  ought  rather  to  be 
Confined  among  his  Indians,  than  to  sit  on  the  Bench;  his 
taking  the  Indians  part  so  much  hath  made  him  a  By-word 
both  among  Men  and  Boys:  But  so  it  was,  that  by  one  and  two 
at  a  time  most  of  these  eight  Indians  (and  four  more  sent  after- 
wards on  the  same  account)  were  let  loose  by  night,3  which  so 
Exasperated  the  Commonalty,  that  about  the  10th  of  September 
at  nine  a  Clock  at  night,  there  gathered  together  about  forty 

1Thus  is  Daniel's  salary  as  a  Magistrate  ingeniously  made  to  appear  as  a  com- 
pensation for  his  work  among  the  Indians. 

2"Capt.  Oliver." 

3 Daniel  Gookin  says  only  two  Indians  were  released  and  that  they  were  not 
accused  of  any  crime.  The  others  were  tried  and  acquitted,  toward  the  end  of  Sep- 
tember.    Coll.  Am.  Ant.  Soc.  ii,  460,  466. 


148  RAGE  OF  THE  POPULACE 

Men  (some  of  note)  and  came  to  the  House  of  Captain  James 
Oliver;  two  or  three  of  them  went  into  his  Entry  to  desire  to 
speak  with  him,  which  was  to  desire  him  to  be  their  Leader, 
and  they  should  joyn  together  and  go  break  open  the  Prison, 
and  take  one  Indian  out  thence  and  Hang  him:  Captain  Oliver 
hearing  their  request,  took  his  Cane  and  cudgelled  them  stoutly 
and  so  for  that  time  dismist  the  Company;  which  had  he  but 
in  the  least  countenanced  it  might  have  been  accompanied  with 
ill  Events  in  the  end.  Immediately  Captain  Oliver  went  and 
acquainted  Mr.  Ting  his  neighbour,  (a  Justice  of  Peace)  and 
they  both  went  the  next  Morning  and  acquainted  the  Gover- 
nour,  who  thank'd  Captain  Oliver  for  what  he  had  done  last 
night,  but  this  rested  not  here:  For  the  Commonalty  were  so 
enraged  against  Mr.  Elliot,  and  Captain  Guggins  especially,  that 
Captain  Guggins  said  on  the  Bench,  that  he  was  afraid  to  go 
along  the  streets;  the  answer  was  made,  you  may  thank  your- 
self; however  an  Order  was  issued  out  for  the  Execution  of  that 
one  (notorious  above  the  rest)  Indian,  and  accordingly  he  was 
led  by  a  Rope  about  his  Neck  to  the  Gallows;  when  he  came 
there  the  Executioners  (for  there  were  many)  flung  one  end 
over  the  Post,  and  so  hoisted  him  up  like  a  Dog,  three  or  four 
times,  he  being  yet  half  alive  and  half  dead;  then  came  an 
Indian,  a  Friend  of  his,  and  with  a  Knife  made  a  hole  in  his 
Breast  to  his  Heart,  and  sucked  out  his  Heartblood:  Being 
asked  the  reason  therefore,  his  answer,  Umh,  umh,  nu,  me 
stronger  as  I  was  before,  me  be  so  strong  as  me  and  he  too,  he 
be  ver  strong  Man  fore  he  die.  Thus  with  the  Dog-like  death 
(good  enough)  of  one  poor  Heathen,  was  the  People's  Rage 
laid  in  some  measure,  but  in  a  short  time  it  began  to  work 
(not  without  cause  enough)."1 

1  Daniel  Gookin  makes  no  mention  of  this  affair  in  his  History  of  the  Christian 
Indians.  Instead  he  says  that  the  judges  and  jurors,  through  the  blessing  of  God, 
were  prevented  from  bringing  blood  upon  the  land.  The  unreliability  of  the  author 
of  the  Letter  to  London  is  as  evident  as  is  his  animus. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


LL  report  travels  quickly,  and  the  calumnies 
uttered  against  Captain  Gookin  were  not  long  in 
finding  their  echo  in  the  neighboring  colonies. 
In  a  letter  dated  Providence,  October  20,  1675, 
Mary  Pray  —  probably  the  wife  of  Ephraim 
Pray — wrote  as  follows,  to  Captain  Oliver:  "The 
Indians  boast  and  say  those  Indians  that  are  caled 
praying  Indians  never  shut  at  the  other  Indians,  but  up  into 
the  tops  of  the  trees  or  into  the  ground;  and  when  they  make 
shew  of  going  first  into  the  swamp  they  comonly  give  the 
Indians  noatis  how  to  escape  the  English.  Sir,  we  have  expe- 
rience of  them  that  they  are  as  bad  as  any  other;  and  it  is 
report  by  the  Indians  them  selves  tha1  Cap.  Gucking  helps 
them  to  powder  and  they  sel  it  to  those  that  are  imployed  by 
Philip  to  bye  it  for  him.     This  we  have  ground  to  believe."1 

By  the  end  of  October  the  clamor  had  become  so  insistent 
that  an  order  was  passed  to  remove  all  of  the  Natick  Indians 
from  their  habitations  and  to  quarter  them  upon  Deer  Island, 
in  Boston  Harbor.  They  were  accordingly  transferred  thither 
on  the  night  of  October  30,  and  so  "put  upon  a  bleake  bare 
Hand,"  to  quote  the  words  of  John  Eliot,  in  a  letter  to  Hon. 
Robert  Boyle,  "where  ye'  suffer  hunger  &  could,  there  is 
neither  foode  nor  competent  fuel  to  be  had,  &  yei  are  bare  in 
clouthing,"  they  were  forced  to  spend  the  winter.  This  removal 
was  referred  to  by  the  author  of  the  Letter  to  London,  as  follows: 


1Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  Ser.  5,  i,  106. 


149 


i5o  KATTENANIT  IMPRISONED 

"Care  now  is  taken  to  satisfie  the  (reasonable)  desires  of 
the  Commonalty,  concerning  Mr.  Elliot's  Indians,  and  Capt. 
Guggins  Indians.  They  that  wear  the  name  of  Praying  Indians, 
but  rather  (as  Mr.  Hezekiah  Ushur  termed  Preying  Indians) 
they  have  made  Preys  of  much  English  Blood,  but  now  they 
are  all  reduced  to  their  several  Confinements;  which  is  much 
to  a  general  Satisfaction." 

About  ten  days  after  this,  an  incident  occurred,  which  though 
trivial  in  itself,  gave  new  life  to  the  popular  indignation  against 
Daniel  Gookin.  Having  been  specially  ordered  by  the  Coun- 
cil to  endeavour  to  gain  intelligence  of  the  enemy's  movements, 
he  sent  out  one  Job  Kattenanit,  a  trusty  Indian,  armed  with  a 
pass  to  provide  for  his  safe  conduct  at  his  return.  Shortly  after 
setting  out,  Job  was  halted  by  some  of  Captain  Henchman's 
scouts,  and  the  pass  meeting  with  "hard  construction,"  he  was 
carried  back  to  Boston  and  placed  in  prison.  "He  had,"  says 
Daniel,  "committed  no  offence  (that  ever  I  heard  of)  but  was 
imprisoned  merely  to  still  the  clamors  of  the  people,  who 
railed  much  against  this  poor  fellow,  and  fain  would  have  had 
him  put  to  death,  (though  they  knew  not  wherefore).  But 
those  murmurings  were  not  only  against  the  Indian,  but  as 
much  against  Major  Gookin,  who  granted  him  the  certificate; 
some  not  sparing  to  say  that  he  was  sent  forth  to  give  intelli- 
gence to  the  enemy,  and  such  like  false  and  reproachful  reflec- 
tions upon  their  friends,  that  had  many  ways  approved  their 
fidelity  to  the  country.  But  this  was  an  hour  of  temptation 
and  murmuring,  as  sometime  God's  own  people  are  inclined 
unto,  as  at  Massah  and  Meribah.  Thus  it  pleased  God  to 
exercise  this  poor  Job,  yet  reserved  him  for  greater  service 
afterward,  as  in  the  sequel  will  appear." 

The  winter  and  spring  of  1675-6  was  for  Daniel  Gookin  a 
trying  time,  as  well  as  a  very  busy  one.  Meetings  of  the 
Council  were  frequent,  and  amid  all  his  other  duties  the  Indians 
were  a  never-ceasing  care.  He  records  that  upon  December 
13,  "in  a  cold  and  very  sharp  season,"  he  rode  with  Major 
Simon  Willard  and  Rev.  John  Eliot  to  Concord  to  visit  the 
Nashobah  Christian  Indians  there  domiciled  by  order  of  the 
General  Court,  and  "to  endeavour  to  quiet  and  compose  the 


FAITHFUL  INDIAN  SPIES  151 

minds  of  the  English  there,  touching  those  Indians."  Again 
he  says:  "About  the  latter  end  of  Dec,  I  had  (among  others) 
sometimes  opportunity  to  accompany  Mr.  Elliot  to  visit  and 
comfort  the  poor  Christian  Indians  confined  to  Deer  Island 
who  were  (a  little  before)  increased  to  be  about  five  hundred 
souls,  by  addition  of  the  Punkapog  Indians,  sent  thither  upon 
as  little  cause  as  the  Naticks  were."  And  when,  after  the 
memorable  Swamp  Fight  of  December  19,  the  Council  "were 
very  desirous  to  use  means  to  gain  intelligence  of  the  state 
of  the  enemy,"  he  went  again  to  the  island  on  the  28th  of  the 
month  and  secured  two  trustworthy  and  capable  men  to  serve 
as  spies.  Daniel  tells  us  that,  having  spoken  to  the  men,  who 
were  selected  after  a  conference  with  two  or  three  of  the  chiefs, 
they  answered  "that  they  were  very  sensible  of  the  great 
hazard  and  danger  in  this  undertaking;  yet  their  love  to  the 
English,  and  that  they  might  give  more  demonstrations  of 
their  fidelity,  ...  by  God's  assistance,  they  would  willingly 
adventure  their  lives." 

One  of  the  men  selected  was  Job  Kattenanit,  who  had  fared 
so  ill  when  setting  forth  upon  a  similar  mission  six  weeks 
earlier,  and  who,  because  he  had  not  thought  it  necessary  to 
avoid  Captain  Henchman's  scouts,  being  armed  with  a  pass 
from  Captain  Gookin,  had  spent  three  weeks  "in  a  small 
prison,  which  was  very  noisome."  This  time  Job  got  safely 
away  to  the  enemies'  country,  with  his  companion,  who  was 
named  James  Quannapohit.  James  returned  on  January  24, 
"very  weary,  faint  and  spent  in  travelling  near  eighty  miles 
upon  snow  shoes,  and  was  brought  to  Captain  Gookin's  house. 
He  was  the  bearer  of  important  news,  which  he  gave  to  the 
Council  the  next  day.  "Job,"  to  quote  Daniel  Gookin's 
words,  "staid  behind,  and  returned  not  until  the  9th  of  Febru- 
ary; and  then,  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  night,  came  to  Major 
Gookin's  house  at  Cambridge,  conducted  thither  by  one  Joseph 
Miller,  that  lived  near  the  falls  of  Charles  River.  He  brought 
tidings,  that  before  he  came  from  the  enemy  at  Menemesse,  a 
party  of  the  Indians,  about  four  hundred,  were  marched  forth 
to  attack  and  burn  Lancaster;  and  on  the  morrow, which  was 
February  10th,  they  would  attempt  it  ...  As  soon  as  Major 


152  CALUMNIOUS  ACCUSATIONS 

Gookin  understood  this  tidings  by  Job,  he  rose  out  of  his  bed 
and,  advising  with  Mr.  Danforth,  one  of  the  Council,  that  lived 
near  him,  they  despatched  away  post,  in  the  night,  to  Marlbor- 
ough, Concord,  and  Lancaster,  ordering  forces  to  surround 
Lancaster  with  all  speed." 

The  difficulty  of  convincing  people  against  their  will 
becomes  an  impossibility  when  they  are  carried  away  by  a 
popular  craze.  "After  the  coming  back  of  those  spies,"  says 
Daniel,  "they  were  sent  again  to  Deer  Island.  And  although 
they  had  run  such  hazards,  and  done  so  good  service  (in  the 
judgment  of  the  authority  of  the  country  and  other  wise  and 
prudent  men),  yet  the  vulgar  spared  not  to  load  them  with 
reproaches,  and  to  impute  the  burning  of  Mendon  (a  deserted 
village)  unto  them,  and  to  say  that  all  they  informed  were  lies, 
and  that  they  held  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  or  else  they 
had  not  come  back  safe ;  and  divers  other  things  were  muttered 
both  against  the  spies  and  authority  that  sent  them,  tending  to 
calumniate  the  poor  men  that  had  undertaken  and  effected  this 
great  affair,  which  none  else  (but  they)  were  willing  to  engage 
in;  which  declares  the  rude  temper  of  those  times." 

While  the  Governor  and  most  of  the  magistrates  appear  to 
have  supported  Daniel,  his  friend  and  neighbor  Thomas 
Danforth  was  the  most  outspoken  in  defending  him  from  these 
aspersions.  So  actively,  indeed,  did  he  second  Daniel  in  his 
efforts  in  behalf  of  the  maligned  praying  Indians,  that  heincurred 
a  share  in  the  popular  hostility.  A  fresh  outburst  came  after 
the  burning  of  Lancaster  on  February  ioth,  followed  eleven 
days  later  by  the  attack  on  Medfield.  The  intelligence  of 
these  disasters,  says  Daniel  Gookin,  "occasioned  many  thoughts 
of  hearty  and  hurrying  motions,  and  gave  opportunity  to  the 
vulgar  to  cry  out,  'Oh,  come,  let  us  go  down  to  Deer  Island, 
and  kill  all  the  praying  Indians.'"1  It  may  even  be  that  a 
massacre  of  these  poor  creatures  would  have  been  attempted, 
but  for  the  timely  discovery  of  a  plot  to  that  end,  and  a  warn- 
ing given  to  the  ringleaders  who  were  sent  for  by  the  Council. 
Foiled  in  this  project,  written  handbills  threatening  the  lives 

1  Gookin's  Hist,  of  the  Christian  Ind.,  494. 


THREATENING  PLACARDS  i53 

of  Gookin  and  Danforth  were  posted  in  Boston.  In  the  State 
archives  are  two  weather-stained  copies  of  these  placards,  both 
reading  as  follows:1 

Boston,  February  28,  1675 
Reader  thou  art  desired  not  to  supprese  this  paper  but  to  promote  its 
desi^ne,  which  is  to  certify  (those  traytors  to  their  king  and  countrey) 
(juggins  and  Danford,  that  some  generous  spirits  have  vowed  their 
destruction;  as  Christians  wee  warne  them  to  prepare  for  death,  for  though 
they  will  deservedly  dye,  yet  we  wish  the  health  of  their  soules. 

By  ye  new  society 

A.  B.  C.  D. 

The  author  of  this  manifesto  was,  perhaps,  one  Richard 
Scott,  who  on  the  very  day  these  placards  appeared,  gave  vent 
to  his  feeling  in  the  manner  set  forth  in  the  following  testi- 
mony which  was  taken  at  his  trial,  less  than  a  week  later. 

"Elizabeth  Belcher,  aged  57,  Martha  Remington,  aged  31, 
and  Mary  Mitchell,  aged  20,  being  sworne,  doe  say,  that  on  ye 
28th  day  of  Febr  last,  abl  10  of  the  clocke  at  night,  Ri:  Scott 
came  into  ye  house  of  ye  said  Belcher,  and  suddenly  after  he 
came  in  broak  out  into  many  hideous  railing  expressions  ag* 
y  wor"  Capt.  Daniel  Gookin,  calling  him  an  Irish  dog  y*  was 
never  faithful  to  his  country,  the  sonne  of  a  whoare,  a  bitch,  a 
rogue,  God  confound  him,  &  God  rott  his  soul,  saying  if  I 
could  meet  him  alone  I  would  pistoll  him.  I  wish  my  knife 
and  sizers  were  in  his  heart.  He  is  the  devil's  interpreter.  I 
and  two  or  three  more  designed  to  cut  off  all  Gookin's  breth- 
ren at  the  Island,  but  some  English  dog  discovered  it,  the  devil 
will  plague  him,"  etc.  Sworn  before  Simon  Willard,  Assis- 
tant, March  4,  1675/6.2  Scott  was  fined  and  imprisoned,  but 
afterward,  having  made  a  very  humble  confession,  he  was 
released. 

Earlier  in  the  day  when  Scott  thus  misbehaved,  the  Gen- 
eral Court  had  adjourned,  after  having  voted  to  raise  an  army 
of  six  hundred  men  to  be  placed  under  the  command  of  Major 
Thomas  Savage;  but,  as  Daniel  Gookin  tells  us,  he  "was  not 
willing  to  undertake  the  charge  unless  he  might  have  some  of 

1  Mass.  Archives,  xxx,  193. 

2  Ibid,  xxx, 192. 


i54        INDIAN  SOLDIERS  PROVE  EFFICIENT 

the  Christian  Indians  upon  Deer  Island  to  go  with  him  for 
guides,  &c;  for  the  Major,  being  an  experienced  soldier,  well 
considered  the  great  necessity  of  such  helps  in  such  an  under- 
taking." Among  the  more  intelligent  members  of  the  com- 
munity the  value  of  the  services  that  these  friendly  Indians 
might  render  was  beginning  to  be  appreciated.  In  the  midst 
of  the  sad  tidings  of  fresh  ravages  that  came  thick  and  fast 
in  March  and  April,  1676,  Captain  Daniel  Henchman  "made 
motions  to  the  Council,  once  and,  again,  of  his  readiness  to 
conduct  these  Indians  against  the  enemy."  Though  his  offer 
was  not  accepted,  a  little  later  the  Council  decided  to  arm  and 
send  forth  a  company  of  them  under  Captain  Samuel  Hunting. 
These  had  just  been  got  together  at  Charlestown  when  word 
came  of  the  threatened  attack  upon  Sudbury.  The  intelli- 
gence reached  Daniel  Gookin  at  Charlestown.  As  he  says: 
"Just  at  the  beginning  of  the  Lecture  there,  as  soon  as  these 
tidings  came,  Major  Gookin  and  Mr.  Thomas  Danforth 
(two  of  the  Magistrates)  who  were  then  hearing  the  Lecture 
Sermon,  being  acquainted  herewith,  withdrew  out  of  the  meet- 
ing-house, and  immediately  gave  orders  for  a  ply  of  horse, 
belonging  to  Capt.  Prentiss'  troops,  under  conduct  of  Corporal 
Phipps,  and  the  Indian  company  under  Capt.  Hunting,  forth- 
with to  march  away  for  the  relief  of  Sudbury."  In  the 
encounter  that  followed  the  Christian  Indian  soldiers  gave 
such  a  good  account  of  themselves  that  thenceforward,  as  long 
as  the  war  lasted,  they  were  constantly  employed  in  expedi- 
tions against  the  enemy. 

In  March  Captain  Gookin  was  much  occupied  with  the 
problem  of  securing  the  release  of  the  wife  and  children  of  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Rowlandson,  who  were  among  the  captives  carried 
away  from  Lancaster.  The  service  of  taking  a  message  to  the 
hostile  savages  was  so  dangerous  that  for  some  time  Daniel 
was  unable  to  persuade  any  one  to  undertake  it,  though  he 
went  to  the  Indians'  camp  on  the  Island  and,  as  he  phrased  it, 
"did  his  utmost  endeavours  to  procure  an  Indian  to  adven- 
ture." Persisting  in  his  efforts,  however,  at  last  a  messenger 
was  found  to  conduct  the  negotiations,  and  being  sent  to 
Daniel's  house  in  Cambridge,  he  was  there  "fitted  and  fur- 


man  1 


A  NARROW  ESCAPE  155 

nished  for  this  enterprise,"  which  not  only  ended  in  the 
redemption  of  the  prisoners,  but  also,  says  Daniel,  "had  no 
small  influence  into  the  abatement  of  the  enemy's  violence 
and  our  troubles." 

A  mishap  that  befel  the  three  friends  of  the  Indians, 
Gookin,  Eliot,  and  Danforth,  early  in  April,  and  came  near 
causing  the  loss  of  their  lives,  is  very  likely  attributable  to 
the  prevailing  animosity  with  which  they  were  regarded.  The 
story  is  related  by  Mr.  Eliot  in  a  memorandum  entered  upon 
the  Record  of  his  Church. 

"1676,  on  the  7th  day  of  the  2d  month,  Capt.  Gookins,  Mr 
Danforth  &  Mr  Stoughton  wr  sent  by  the  Councill  to  order 
matters  at  long  Hand  for  the  Indians  planting  there,  yei  called 
me  wth  ym.  In  or  way  thithe1",  a  great  boate  of  about  14  ton, 
meeting  us,  turn  head  upon  us,  (whethr  willfully  or  by  negli- 
gence, God  he  knoweth)  yei  run  the  sterne  or  boate  wr  we  4  sat, 
under  water,  or  boats  saile,  or  something  tangled  wth  the  great 
boat,  &  by  God's  mercy  kept  to  it.  My  Cosin  Jakob  &  cosin 
Perrie  being  forwarder  in  or  boat  quickly  got  up  into  the  great 
boat.  I  so  sunke  yl  I  drank  in  salt  water  twice,  &  could  not 
help  it.  God  assisted  my  two  cosins  to  deliver  us  all,  &  help 
us  up  into  the  great  boat.  We  were  not  far  fr'm  the  Castle, 
where  we  went  ashore,  dryed  &  refreshed,  &  yn  went  to  the 
Hand  p'formed  or  work,  returned  well  home  at  night  praised 
be  the  Lord.  Some  thanked  God  &  some  wished  we  had  bene 
drowned.  Soone  after,  one  y*  wished  we  had  bene  drowned, 
was  himselfe  drowned  about  the  same  place  wr  we  wr  so  won- 
derfully delivered,  the  history  wroff  is," — here  the  account 
abruptly  ends. 

It  is  recorded  that  on  this  occasion  Daniel  Gookin  lost  "a 
large  cloak  of  drab  due  berry  lin'd  through  with  fine  serge, 
cost  in  London  about  eight  pounds,"  also  "a  new  pair  of 
gloves  cost  2s  and  a  rattan,  headed  with  Ivory  worth  i8d," 
while  Mr.  Eliot  lost  "a  good  castor  hat  worth  ten  shillings." 


CHAPTER  XVII 

OR  more  than  twenty  years,  when  the  votes  for 
magistrates  were  opened  in  Boston  at  the  spring 
meeting  of  General  Court,  Daniel  Gookin's  name 
had  always  stood  at  or  near  the  head  of  the  list. 
In  May,  1676,  the  votes  in  his  favor  dropped 
from  about  twelve  hundred  to  446  and  he  failed 
of  election.    John  Eliot  thus  recorded  the  event: 


"Month  3  day  4.  Election  Day,  the  people  in  theire  distemper  left 
out  Capt.  Gookin  &  put  him  off  the  Bench." 

The  ballot  was  taken  at  the  darkest  time  in  the  war  and  in 
all  probability  the  result  was  not  unexpected.  All  of  the  can- 
didates known  to  stand  up  for  the  Christian  Indians  lost  votes, 
Thomas  Danforth  getting  only  840,  Joseph  Dudley  669,  while 
Major  Thomas  Savage  received  barely  441. 

When  the  General  Court  met,  the  members  made  haste  to 
manifest  their  sympathy  for  Daniel  Gookin,  and  their  confi- 
dence in  his  motives  and  his  ability.  One  of  their  first  acts 
was  to  promote  him  to  the  office  of  Sergeant-major  of  the 
regiment  of  Middlesex,  or  commander-in-chief  of  the  military 
forces  of  the  county.  This  was  on  May, 5,  1676,  when  he 
was  "by  the  whole  Court  chosen  and  appointed."  The  duties 
proper  to  that  office  had  been  performed  by  him  since 
October  13,  1675,  when,  in  the  absence  of  the  Major,  he  had 
been  instructed  to  put  the  whole  command  "into  a  posture  of 
warr."   In  compliance  with  the  order  he  had,  on  November  2, 

156 


MILITARY  DUTIES  i57 

dispatched  Captain  Joseph  Sill  with  sixty  men  of  Charles- 
town,  Watertown,  and  Cambridge,  against  the  enemy.  His 
letter  of  instructions  closes  thus: 

"So  desiring  the  ever-living  Lord  God  to  accompany  you  and  your 
company  with  his  gracious  conduct  and  presence,  and  that  he  will  for 
Christ's  sake  appear  in  all  the  mounts  of  difficulty,  and  cover  all  your 
heads  in  the  day  of  battle,  and  deliver  the  bloodthirsty  and  cruel  enemy 
of  God  and  his  people  into  your  hands,  and  make  you  executioners  of  his 
just  indignation  upon  them,  and  return  you  victorious  unto  us,  I  commit 
you  and  your  company  unto  God,  and  remain 

Your  very  loving  friend 

Daniel  Gookin,  Senr " l 

Other  evidences  of  Daniel's  military  activity  at  this  period 
are  not  wanting.  Service  in  the  field,  it  hardly  need  be  pointed 
out,  was  not  expected  of  him;  that  was  for  younger  men. 
Moreover  he  was  far  too  important  a  person  to  be  spared 
from  the  seat  of  the  government.  Various  papers  that  have 
been  preserved  tell  of  duties  that  devolved  upon  him.  For 
example,  on  January  n,  1675/6,  "the  committee  of  militia  of 
Charlestown,  Cambridge,  and  Watertown,"  were  "ordered  and 
required  to  impress  such  armor,  breasts,  backs,  and  head- 
pieces, and  blunderbusses,  as  you  can  find  in  your  respective 
towns,  and  to  give  express  and  speedy  order  that  they  may  be 
cleaned  and  fitted  for  service,  and  sent  in  to  Cambridge  to 
Captain  Gookin  at  or  before  the  15th  of  this  instant,  by  him 
to  be  sent  up  to  the  army  by  such  troopers  as  are  ordered  to 
go  up  to  the  army."2  Again,  on  April  25,  1676,  instructions 
were  given  to  Captain  Gookin  as  "  Commander-in-chief  of  all 
the  forces  of  horse  and  foot  in  this  expedition,  for  the  service 
of  the  Colony,  against  the  enemy."3  A  letter  written  by  him 
to  the  Council  for  the  management  of  the  War,  four  days 
before  he  was  given  his  commission  as  Major,  shows  that  in 
this,  as  in  everything  that  came  to  his  hand  to  do,  his  energies 
were  put  forth  unsparingly. 

1  Mass.  Arch.,  lxviii,  40.  Daniel's  signature  was  afterwards  erased  from  this 
letter  and  "By  the  Council,  E.  R.  S."  substituted. 

2  Ibid,  p.  114. 
3 Ibid.,  p.  228. 


158  NIGHT  ORDERS 

"Honored  Sirs, 

I  received  your  orders  after  I  was  retired  to  rest;  but  I  suddenly  got 
up  and  issued  forth  warrants  for  the  delinquents,  and  sent  away  the  war- 
rant to  Capt,  Prentice,  and  also  sent  warrants  to  the  commander-in-chief 
of  Charlestown,  Watertown,  Cambridge,  and  the  Village,  Maiden,  and 
Woburn,  to  raise  one  fourth  part  of  their  companies  to  appear  at  Cam- 
bridge this  morning  at  eight  a  clock.  But  1  fear  the  rain  and  darkness  of 
the  last  night  hath  impeded  their  rendesvous  at  the  time;  but  sometime 
today  I  hope  they  will  appear,  or  at  least  some  of  them.  I  judge,  if  the 
Captains  do  their  duty  in  uprightness,  there  may  be  about  ioo  men,  or 
near  it.  I  have  written  to  Capt.  Hammond  to  send  up  Capt.  Cutler  to 
conduct  this  company;  I  am  uncertain  about  his  compliance;  I  desire 
your  order,  in  case  of  failure,  and  also  directions  to  what  rendesvous  to 
send  this  company  when  raised.  It  is  a  very  afflictive  time  to  be  called 
off,  considering  we  have  planting  in  hand  this  week,  and  our  fortification 
pressing  upon  our  shoulders.1  But  God  sees  meet  to  order  it  so  that 
this  rod  must  smart  sharply.  I  pray  let  me  have  your  directions  sent  away 
with  all  speed.  1  stay  at  home  on  purpose  to  despatch  these  soldiers.  So 
with  my  dutiful  respects  to  your  honored  selves,  I  remain 

Your  assured  friend  and  servant. 
May  the  first,  1676  DANIEL  GOOKIN,  Sen.2 

Having  given  Daniel  his  appointment  as  Major,  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  taking  notice  of  "the  present  distressed  condition 
of  the  Indians  at  the  island,  they  being  ready  to  perish  for 
want  of  bread,"  ordered  that  a  man  with  a  boat  be  employed 
to  assist  them  in  catching  fish.  A  few  days  later  it  was  decided 
to  remove  them  "to  convenient  places  for  their  planting." 
Most  of  the  able-bodied  men  had  taken  service  in  the  army. 
Those  who  were  left  were  nearly  all  old  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren, about  four  hundred  in  number.  So  "the  Council  ordered 
Ma].  Gookin  &  Mr  Eliot  to  make  the  seperation"  and  "Majr 
Gookin  to  appoint  ye  committees  time  &  place  for  reception 
of  each  parcell  of  Indians  &  to  impress  boats,  &c,  for  their 
removal  forthwith,  &  that  he  takes  care  to  arm  &  dispatch  the 
Indian  souldjers." 

The  removal  was  effected  on  May  12,  when,  in  the  words 
of  John  Eliot,  as  set  down  in  his  Church  record,  "the  Indians 

1  This  refers  to  the  stockade  ordered  built  by  the  town  at  a  meeting  held  March 
27.  The  attack  on  Medfield,  six  days  before,  had  caused  great  alarm  and  a  feeling 
of  insecurity  even  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston. 

2  Mass.  Archives,  lxviii,  247. 


REMOVAL  OF  THE  PRAYING  INDIANS       159 

came  off  the  Hand.  Capt.  Gookin  cars  for  ym  at  Cambridge." 
Daniel's  own  account  is  more  specific.  "Major  Gookin,  their 
old  friend  and  ruler,  .  .  .  forthwith  hired  boats  to  bring  them 
from  the  Islands  to  Cambridge,  not  far  from  the  house  of  Mr. 
Thomas  Oliver,  a  pious  man,  and  of  a  very  loving,  compas- 
sionate spirit  to  those  poor  Indians;  who,  when  others  were 
shy,  he  freely  offered  a  place  for  their  present  settlement  upon 
his  land,  which  was  very  commodious  for  situation  being  near 
Charles  River,  convenient  for  fishing,  and  where  there  was 
plenty  of  fuel;  and  Mr.  Oliver  had  a  good  fortification  at  his 
house,  near  the  place  where  the  wigwams  stood,  where,  (if  need 
were)  they  might  retreat  for  their  security.  This  deliverance 
from  the  Island  was  a  jubilee  to  those  poor  creatures;  and 
though  many  of  them  were  sick  at  this  time  of  their  removal, 
especially  some  of  the  chief  men,  as  Waban,  John  Thomas, 
and  Josiah  Harding,  with  divers  other  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren, were  sick  of  a  dysentery  and  fever,  at  their  first  coming 
up  from  the  Island;  but  by  the  care  of  the  Major,  and  his 
wife,  and  Mr.  Eliot,  making  provision  for  them,  of  food  and 
medicines,  several  of  them  recovered,  particularly  Waban  and 
John  Thomas;  the  one  the  principal  ruler,  and  the  other  a 
principal  teacher  of  them,  who  were  both  extreme  low,  but 
God  had  in  mercy  raised  them  up." 

In  the  autumn,  the  war  being  over,  the  Indians  removed, 
"some  to  the  falls  of  Charles  river,  and  some  settled  about 
Hoanantum  Hill,1  not  far  from  Mr.  Oliver's,  near  the  very 
place  where  they  first  began  to  pray  to  God,  and  Mr.  Eliot 
first  taught  them,  which  was  about  thirty  years  since.  Here 
Anthony,  one  of  the  teachers,  built  a  large  wigwam,  at  which 
place  the  lecture  and  school  were  kept  in  the  winter  1676; 
where  Major  Gookin  and  Mr.  Eliot  ordinarily  met  every  fort- 
night; and  the  other  week  among  the  Packemitt2  Indians, 
who  were  also  brought  from  the  Island  at  the  same  time  and 
placed  near  Brush  Hill  in  Milton."  Thus  at  the  earliest 
moment  practicable,  did  the  indefatigable  Eliot  and  Gookin 
again  take  up    their    interrupted   missionary   labours.     The 

1  Otherwise  known  as  Nonantum. 
2 Or  Punkapog,  now  Stoughton. 


160  PERSISTENT  PREJUDICE 

value  of  this  work  to  the  Colony  had  been  amply  demon- 
strated by  the  conduct  of  the  Christian  Indians  during  the  war. 
But  for  it  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  many  of  these  Indians 
would  have  been  arrayed  against  the  English,  and  that  the 
terrors  of  the  sanguinary  conflict  would  have  been  far  greater 
than  they  were.  Yet  even  the  efficient  aid  rendered  by  the 
Indian  soldiers,  and  the  proof  this  gave  of  their  fidelity,  did 
not  entirely  eradicate  the  prejudice  felt  against  them  and  their 
defenders.  As  late  as  October,  1677,  when  the  Indians  had 
gone  back  to  their  settlements  at  Natick  and  Punkapog,  one 
John  Jones  having  been  arrested  for  attempting  to  run  down 
Thomas  Danforth,  John  Marshall  testified  that  on  October  9, 

16771 

"I    saw   John   Joans    driveing    his   trucks,  whipping   his 

horses  which  caused  them  to  run  very  furiously ;  the  worship- 
ful Thomas  Danforth  being  before  the  trucks  shifted  the  way 
several  times  to  escape  the  horses,  and  I  was  afraid  they 
would  have  ran  over  him ;  but  having  escaped  them  when  the 
said  Joans  came  to  the  wharfe  where  I  was,  I  asked  him  why 
he  drave  his  trucks  soe  hard  to  run  over  people,  and  told  him 
he  had  like  to  have  ran  over  Mr.  Danforth;  he  answered  it 
was  noe  matter  if  Mr.  Danforth  and  Major  Gucking  were 
both  hanged. 

"Sworn  in  Court.  J.  Dudley  Assistant,  12,  8,  yj.  Said 
Jones  is  sentenced  to  be  admonished,  and  not  to  drive  a  cart 
in  Boston  upon  penalty  of  a  severe  whipping.  J.  Dudley,  per 
order."  Thus  was  the  punishment  neatly  made  to  fit  the 
offense. 

Although  a  few  shallow  persons,  like  Jones,  remained  obdu- 
rate and  unconvinceable,  the  steadfast  demeanour  of  Daniel 
Gookin,  his  calm  and  unflinching  attitude  in  the  time  of  dis- 
turbance, his  care  to  refrain  from  recrimination  when  reviled, 
and  his  unselfish  devotion  to  the  welfare  of  the  community, 
soon  silenced  most  of  the  outcry  against  him  and  brought 
about  a  revulsion  of  feeling  in  his  favour.  When  election  day 
came  around,  in  May,  1677,  he  was  once  more  chosen  Assist- 
ant, and  reinstated  in  his  place  upon  the  bench. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


ILITARY  duties,  in  addition  to  those  that  came 
to  him  as  magistrate  and  as  a  member  of  the  Coun- 
cil, made  1677  a  busy  year  for  Major  Gookin. 
Nevertheless  he  found  time  in  the  autumn  to 
write  for  the  "Corporation  for  Gospelizing  the 
Indians  in  New  England,"  as  he  styled  it,  "An 
Historical  Account  of  the  Doings  and  Suffer- 
ings of  the  Christian  Indians  in  New  England,  in  the  years 
1675,  1676,  1677."  This  work,  accompanied  by  an  epistle  ded- 
icatory, dated  December  18,  1677,  was  sent  Dv  him  to  Robert 
Boyle,  the  Governor  of  the  Society.  No  doubt  he  hoped  that 
the  society  would  see  fit  to  publish  it,  but  for  some  reason  this 
was  not  done,  and  the  manuscript  was  lost  until  1835,  when 
it  turned  up  in  the  hands  of  an  English  clergyman.  By  him 
it  was  loaned  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Campbell  of  Pittsburgh,  from 
whom  it  was  borrowed  by  Mr.  Jared  Sparks,  who  brought  it  to 
the  attention  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  and, in  1836, 
it  was  published  in  Volume  II  of  "Archasologia  Americana" 
—  the  Transactions  and  Proceedings  of  that  society. 

This  work  formed  a  supplement  to  an  earlier  treatise 
entitled  "Historical  Collections  of  the  Indians  in  New  Eng- 
land," which  Daniel  finished  in  1674,  and  transmitted  to  Mr. 
Boyle  in  December  of  that  year.  This  manuscript,  like  the 
other,  was  long  forgotten,  but  finally  coming  to  light  in  a  library 
in  England,  it  was  first  printed  in  1792  in  Volume  I  of  the 
Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.    A  sepa- 

161 


i62      GOOKIN'S  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND 

rate  edition  was  also  issued  the  same  year,  "  at  the  Apollo 
Press  in  Boston,  by  Belknap  and  Hall."1  Although  complete 
in  itself,  this  work  was  designed  as  a  part  of  a  general  History 
of  New  England  which  he  had  projected  upon  a  plan  more 
comprehensive  and  philosophical  than  was  attempted  by  any 
one  else  for  more  than  a  century  after  his  time.  In  a  post- 
script to  the  treatise  he  outlined  the  scope  of  the  history  and 
his  reasons  for  undertaking  its  preparation,  in  words  which  tes- 
tify alike  to  his  modesty  and  his  eminent  fitness  for  the  task. 

Concerning  this  matter  the  reader  may  please  to  understand,  that 
when  I  first  drew  up  these  Collections,  it  was  intended  for  a  second  book 
of  the  history  of  New-England.  But  that  being  not  yet  above  half-finished, 
and  this  concerning  the  Indians  being  destinct  from  the  other,  which 
treateth  principally  of  the  Indians  in  New-England,  although  it  was  no 
great  incongruity,  had  it  accompanied  the  rest:  But  for  some  reasons  at 
this  juncture,  I  have  thought  it  not  unseasonable  to  emit  this  of  the  Indians 
first.  The  scope  and  design  of  the  author  in  that  intended  history,  you 
may  see  in  what  follows,  setting  forth  the  number  and  subjects  of  each 
book. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  NEW-ENGLAND,  ESPECIALLY  OF  THE 
COLONY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  IN  EIGHT  BOOKS, 
FAITHFULLY  COLLECTED  BY  DANIEL  GOOKIN, 
ONE  OF  THE  MAGISTRATES  THEREOF. 

BOOK  I.  Describeth  the  country  of  New-England  in  general:  the 
extent  thereof:  the  division  of  it  into  four  colonies:  the  situation  of  the 
several  harbours  and  islands:  the  nature  of  the  land  and  soil:  the  com- 
modities and  product  both  of  the  earth  and  sea,  before  it  was  inhabited  by 
the  English  nation :  and  divers  other  things  relating  thereunto  :  with  a 
map  of  the  country,  to  be  placed  at  the  end  of  the  first  book. 

BOOK  II.  Treateth  of  the  Indians,  natives  of  the  country:  their 
customs,  manners,  and  government,  before  the  English  settled  there:  also 
their  present  state  in  matters  of  religion  and  government;  and  in  especial 
of  the  praying  Indians,  who  have  visibly  received  the  gospel;  mentioning 
the  means  and  instruments  that  God  hath  used  for  their  civilizing  and 
conversion,  and  the  success  thereof  through  the  blessing  of  God  :  the  pres- 
ent state  of  these  praying  Indians:  the  number  and  situation  of  their 
towns,  and  their  churches  and  people,  both  in  the  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  elsewhere  in  the  country;  with  divers  other  matters  referring  to 
that  affair. 

lA  copy  of  this  edition,  perhaps  unique,  is  in  the  library  of  the  Wisconsin 
Historical  Society  at  Madison.  The  volume  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections 
containing  it  has  been  twice  reprinted  ;  in  1806  and  again  in  1859. 


GOOKIN'S  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND      163 

BOOK.  III.  Setteth  forth  the  first  discovery,  planting,  and  settling 
New-England  by  the  English:  as  the  time  when  it  was  undertaken; 
the  occasion  inducing  them  to  transplant  themselves  and  families;  the 
condition  and  quality  of  the  first  undertakers;  especially  those  of  Massa- 
chusetts colony ;  and  the  grounds  and  motives  for  their  removal  from 
their  native  country  unto  New-England:  with  divers  other  matters  con- 
cerning the  same:  and  in  the  close  of  this  book,  a  brief  account  of  the 
author's  life,  and  the  reasons  inducing  him  to  remove  himself  and  family 
into  New-England. 

BOOK.  IV.  Discourseth  of  the  civil  government  of  New-England; 
particularly  of  the  colony  of  Massachusetts,  which  is  founded  upon  the 
royal  charter  of  king  Charles  the  first,  of  famous  memory;  with  a  recital 
of  the  chief  heads  of  the  said  charter  or  patent:  with  the  several  grada- 
tions of  the  courts,  both  executive  and  legislative:  together  with  a  brief 
mention  of  the  state  of  the  confederacy  between  the  united  colonies  of 
New-England,  viz.  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  New  Plymouth,  with 
the  publick  benefit  and  safety  occurring  to  the  whole  country  thereby. 

BOOK  V.  Of  the  present  condition  and  state  of  the  country:  as 
the  number  and  names  of  the  counties  and  towns;  A  conjecture  of  the 
number  of  people  in  the  country :  the  military  forces  of  horse  and  foot: 
their  fortifications  upon  their  principal  harbours  :  their  navigation  and 
number  of  ships  and  other  vessels  :  their  money  and  commodities  raised  in 
the  country,  for  use  at  home,  or  commerce  abroad  :  of  foreign  commodities 
most  suitable  for  the  country's  use,  to  be  imported:  of  their  manufactures; 
with  the  opportunities  and  advantages  to  increase  the  same,  which  hitherto 
hath  been  obstructed,  and  the  reason  thereof:  with  some  arguments  to 
excite  the  people  unto  more  intenseness  and  diligence  in  improving  the 
manufacture  of  the  country. 

BOOK  VI.  Giveth  an  account  of  the  worthies  in  New-England, 
and  especially  the  magistrates  and  ministers  in  all  the  colonies:  their 
names  and  the  characters  of  some  of  the  most  eminent  of  them  that  are 
deceased :  with  the  names  of  the  governours  of  Massachusetts,  from  the 
beginning  until  this  present,  and  the  times  of  their  death:  and  sundry 
other  matters  appertaining  thereto. 

BOOK  VII.  Mentioneth  some  of  the  most  eminent  and  remarkable 
mercies,  providences  and  doings  of  God  for  this  people  in  New  England, 
from  the  first  beginning  of  this  plantation  unto  this  day;  wherein  many 
wonderful  salvations  of  the  almighty  and  our  most  gracious  God  hath 
showed  and  extended  towards  them,  which  they  should  declare  unto  their 
children  and  children's  children,  that  so  the  great  name  of  Jehovah  may 
be  magnified  and  only1  exalted. 

BOOK  VIII.  Declareth  their  religion  and  the  order  of  their  church 
government  in  New  England :  with  a  rehearsal  of  their  faith  and  platform 

xThus  printed  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  but  possibly  a  misreading  of 
the  word  "duly." 


164         QUALIFICATIONS  FOR  AUTHORSHIP 

of  church  discipline,  drawn  out  of  the  word  of  God :  with  a  vindication 
of  this  people  from  the  unjust  imputations  of  separatism,  anabaptism,  and 
other  heterodoxies:  also  a  brief  mention  of  the  college  at  Cambridge  in 
New-England:  the  present  state  thereof:  the  care  and  faithful  endeavours 
used,  that  it  may  be  upheld  and  encouraged  for  the  education  of  learned 
and  able  men,  to  supply  both  orders  of  church  and  state  in  future  times: 
also  a  brief  commemoration  of  the  names  of  the  presidents  and  fellows, 
that  have  been  of  that  society;  with  other  learned  men,  dead  and  living, 
that  have  been  graduates  there  from  its  first  foundation. 

You  may  here  see  my  design,  which  I  earnestly  desired  might  have 
been  drawn  by  a  more  able  pen:  and  I  have  often  earnestly  moved  able 
persons  to  undertake  it:  but  not  knowing  of  any,  and  being  unwilling 
that  a  matter  of  so  great  concernment  for  the  honour  of  God  and  the  good 
of  men,  should  be  buried  in  oblivion,  I  have  adventured  in  my  old  age, 
and  in  a  plain  style,  to  draw  some  rude  delineaments  of  God's  beautiful 
work  in  this  land.  I  have,  through  grace,  travelled  half  way  in  this  work, 
as  is  said  before ;  but  in  truth,  I  find  myself  clogged  with  so  many  avoca- 
tions; as  my  publick  employ  among  the  English  and  Indians,  and  my 
own  personal  and  family  exercises,  which  by  reason  of  my  low  estate  in 
the  world  are  the  more  obstructive  and  perplexing :  so  that  I  cannot  pro- 
ceed in  this  work  so  vigorously  as  I  desire.  Yet  I  shall  endeavour,  by 
God's  assistance,  if  he  please  to  spare  me  life  and  ability,  to  make  what 
speedy  progress  1  can.  If  this  tract  concerning  the  Indians  find  accept- 
ance, I  shall  be  the  more  encouraged  to  finish  and  send  forth  the  other; 
which  although  it  should  prove  very  imperfect,  by  reason  of  the  weakness 
and  unworthiness  of  the  author;  yet  I  shall  endeavour  that  it  be  drawn 
according  to  truth;  and  then,  if  it  be  of  no  other  use,  it  may  serve  to 
inform  my  children,  or  possibly  contribute  some  little  help  to  a  more  able 
pen,  to  set  forth  the  same  thing,  more  exactly  and  exquisitely  garnished, 
in  after  times. 

The  language  of  this  statement  would  alone  be  enough  to 
certify  his  mental  equipment  for  the  undertaking.  No  other 
man  in  New  England  had  better  opportunities  for  ascertaining 
facts,  no  other  had  such  certain  poise,  such  breadth  of  outlook. 
It  is  impossible  to  peruse  his  works,  and  in  especial  his  history 
of  the  Christian  Indians,  and  not  feel  a  growing  admiration 
and  respect  for  him  both  as  a  man  and  as  a  writer.  The  entire 
absence  of  bitterness  even  when  referring  to  the  brutal  reviling 
to  which  he  was  subjected,  bears  silent  witness  to  his  largeness 
of  mind  and  the  sweetness  of  his  disposition.  The  tranquil 
tone  is  that  of  a  strong  man  resting  secure  in  the  conscious- 
ness of  rectitude,  and  upheld  by  an  unshakable  faith  in  the 


A  WELL-DESERVED  TRIBUTE  165 

beneficence  of  God  and  by  resignation  to  His  will.  "As  we 
study  his  writings,"  says  Moses  Coit  Tyler,  "we  see  shining 
through  them  the  signals  of  a  very  noble  manhood, —  modesty, 
tenderness,  strength,  devoutness,  a  heart  full  of  sympathy  for 
every  kind  of  distress,  a  hand  able  and  quick  to  reach  out  and 
obey  the  promptings  of  his  heart.  Then,  too,  we  are  impressed 
by  his  uncommon  intellectual  value.  We  find  that  he  had 
width  and  grip  in  his  ideas;  his  mind  was  trained  to  orderly 
movement ;  his  style  rose  clear  and  free  above  the  turbid  and 
pedantic  rhetoric  of  his  age  and  neighborhood;  his  reading 
was  shown,  not  in  the  flapping  tags  of  quotation,  but  in  a  dif- 
fused intelligence,  fullness,  and  poise  of  thought;  as  an  histo- 
rian, he  had  the  primary  virtues  —  truth,  fairness,  lucidity."1 

It  would  be  difficult  to  add  anything  to  a  pronouncement  at 
once  so  just  and  so  appreciative. 

How  nearly  Daniel  was  able  to  complete  his  History  of 
Massachusetts  we  shall  probably  never  know.  The  family 
tradition  is  that  the  manuscript  was  destroyed  when  the  tavern 
kept  by  his  grandson,  Richard  Gookin,  at  Dedham,  was  burned 
in  1742;  and  as  extended  and  careful  search  has  failed  to  yield 
any  trace  of  it,  this  tradition  may  be  assumed  to  be  correct. 
Its  loss,  as  has  been  well  said,  is  indeed,  "a  calamity  to  early 
American  History."2 

An  intimation  that  Daniel  was  the  author  of  a  third  tract 
relating  to  the  Indians,  is  found  in  a  letter  addressed  by  John 
Eliot  to  Robert  Boyle,  under  date,  November  4,  1680.3  "We 
are  in  great  affliction  by  the  Manquaoy  Indians,"  he  writes; 
"more  than  60  at  several  times  have  been  killed  or  captived; 
a  narrative  whereof  Major  Gookin  presented  to  Lord  Cul- 
pepper, who  was  affected  with  it.  Also  he  presented  a  copy 
thereof  to  Sir  Edmond  Andros,  who  was  likewise  affected  with 
it  though  it  is  said,  that  he  might  have  prevented  it.  .  .  .  Major 
Gookin  intendeth  to  present  your  honour  with  a  copy  of  the 
same  narrative."  Some  day,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  one  of  these 
copies  may  yet  come  to  light. 

1  History  of  Am.  Literature,  i,  151. 

2  Ibid.,  i,  157. 

3  Birch's  Life  of  Boyle,  London,  1744,  p.  436. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


HE  name  of  Daniel  Gookin  is  so  intimately 
connected  with  the  establishment  of  the  city  of 
Worcester,  that  he  may  not  improperly  be  re- 
garded as  in  a  sense  its  founder.  "To  ascribed 
to  Major  General  Daniel  Gookin  the  title  of 
Father  of  Worcester,"  says  Ellery  B.  Crane, 
"would  be  conferring  a  compliment  well  de- 
served, and  at  the  same  time  impart  an  honor  to  Worcester 
which  she  need  not  feel  ashamed  of  or  reluctant  to  accept."1 

The  first  action  looking  toward  the  forming  of  a  settlement 
was  taken  by  the  General  Court  on  October  n,  1665,  when  in 
answer  to  a  petition  by  Lieut.  Thomas  Noyes  of  Sudbury  and 
several  others,  the  Court,  "understanding  that  there  is  a  meet 
place  for  a  plantation  about  ten  miles  from  Marlborough  west- 
ward, at  or  neere  Quansicamug  Pond,  which,  that  it  may  be 
improved  for  that  end,  &  not  spoyled  by  granting  of  farmes," 
named  Captain  Gookin,  Captain  Edward  Johnson,  Lieut. 
Joshua  Fisher,  and  Lieut.  Thomas  Noyes,  as  a  committee  "to 
make  a  survey  of  the  place." 

The  death  of  Lieut.  Noyes  and  other  impediments  pre- 
vented this  Committee  from  doing  anything,  and  so  the  matter 
rested  until  May  15,  1667,  when  the  Court  again  nominated 
Captain  Daniel  Gookin,  Captain  Edward  Johnson,  Samuel 
Andrew,  and  Andrew  Belcher,  Senior,  "as  a  committee  to  take 
an  exact  view  of  the  said  place  as  soone  as  conveniently  they 

1  Historical  Notes  on  the  Early  Settlement  of  Worcester,  p.  20.* 

166 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  WORCESTER  167 

can."  The  report  of  this  Committee  was  not  made  until 
October  20, 1668.  It  recommended  the  place  as  suitable  for 
a  small  plantation,  whereupon,  on  November  7,  the  Court 
appointed  "Capt.  Daniel  Gookin,  Capt.  Tho.  Prentice,  Mr 
Daniel  Henchman,  &  Leiftennt  Beare,  or  any  three  of  them 
to  be  a  comittee,  whereof  Capt.  Danil  Gookin  to  be  one,"  to 
lay  out  and  establish  the  settlement. 

Taking  several  prospective  settlers  with  them,  all  four 
commissioners  visited  the  site  early  in  May  of  the  next  year. 
They  found  it  "very  commodious  for  the  scittuation  of  a 
towne,"  but  in  part  taken  up  by  grants  of  the  Court,  and  there- 
fore unavailable  for  the  purpose,  unless  the  grantees  should  be 
dispossessed  and  provided  for  elsewhere.  In  consequence, 
four  more  years  elapsed  before  the  settlement  could  begin. 
The  first  book  of  "Records  of  the  Proprietors,"  consisting 
of  twenty-eight  closely  written  pages  in  the  hand  of  Daniel 
Gookin,  shows  that  by  1673  the  difficulties  had  been  cleared 
away  and  lots  had  been  assigned  to  thirty-two  persons.  Only 
fourteen  of  these  perfected  their  titles  by  paying  their  share  of 
the  expense  incurred  by  the  Committee,  which  included  Indian 
purchase  money.  Among  the  fourteen  were  Daniel  Gookin, 
his  son  Samuel,  and  Daniel  Henchman,  who,  next  to  Gookin 
was  the  most  active  member  of  the  Commission. 

In  the  autumn  of  this  year  a  house  situated  "a  little  beyond 
the  brook,"  was  built  by  the  Committee.  This,  with  the  houses 
of  Ephraim  Curtis  and  Thomas  Brown,  finished  in  1674,  are 
all  that  are  certainly  known  to  have  been  erected  prior  to  the 
I  ndian  war  which  broke  out  a  year  later,  when  they  were  burned 
by  the  savages.  Though  the  Committee  resumed  their  labours 
after  the  war  was  over,  they  found  it  exceedingly  difficult  to 
secure  acceptable  men  who  were  willing  to  settle  in  the  new 
town.  The  matter  had  come  so  nearly  to  a  standstill  by  1682 
that  the  General  Court  gave  notice  that  unless  substantial  prog- 
ress was  made  in  the  near  future  the  place  would  be  forfeited. 
Accordingly  it  was  arranged  that  a  new  survey  should  be 
made,  which  was  done  upon  a  new  plat  and  the  lots  reassigned 
in  different  and  more  widely  scattered  locations,  only  five  per- 
sons, of  whom  Daniel  Gookin  was  one,  appearing  as  proprie- 


168  THE  NEW  SETTLEMENT  NAMED 

tors  in  both  grants.  This  was  in  1683.  The  next  year  a  few 
log  houses  were  built,  and  Captain  Daniel  Henchman  went  to 
Worcester  to  reside  and  to  give  the  settlement  his  personal 
superintendence.  His  efforts  were  short-lived,  for  he  died  at 
his  home  there,  on  October  15,  1685. 

At  a  General  Court  held  in  Boston  on  October  15,  1864, 
"Upon  ye  motion  &  desire  of  Maj°  Gena11  Daniel  Gookin, 
Cap*  Thomas  Prentice  &  Daniel  Henchman  this  Courts  Com- 
mittee for  ye  setling  of  a  new  Plantation  neare  Quansikomon 
pond,  Humbly  desireing  y*  ye  Court  will  please  to  name  ye 
Town  Worcester,"  that  name  was  accordingly  bestowed  upon 
it.  What  reason  Daniel  Gookin  may  have  had  for  this  selec- 
tion can  only  be  conjectured.  The  view  has  been  advanced 
by  Senator  George  F.  Hoar,  Ellery  B.  Crane,  and  others  that 
it  was  intended  as  a  tribute  to  the  memory  of  Oliver  Cromwell. 
That  Daniel  should  wish  to  do  him  honour  is  most  likely,  not 
alone  because  he  was  an  ardent  admirer  of  the  great  defender 
of  the  liberties  of  the  English  people,  but  also  because  of  the 
close  relation  that  had  existed  between  the  Protector  and  sev- 
eral members  of  the  Gookin  family.  Daniel's  employment 
as  Cromwell's  agent  in  his  cherished  scheme  of  building  up 
the  colony  of  Jamaica  has  already  been  related.  His  cousin 
Vincent  Gookin,  the  leader  of  the  Moderate  party  in  the  three 
Cromwellian  parliaments;  the  protagonist  of  the  Irish,  who, 
by  his  determined  efforts,  frustrated  the  movement  for  their 
wholesale  transplantation  to  Connaught;  Commissioner  of  the 
Admiralty;  Commissioner  General  for  the  Revenues  of  Ire- 
land ;  and  Surveyor  General  of  Ireland  under  the  Protectorate, 
was  the  personal  choice  of  Cromwell  for  the  public  offices 
that  he  held.  Captain  Robert  Gookin,  Vincent's  younger 
brother,  was  a  zealous  and  faithful  adherent  to  whom  Cromwell 
directed  that  a  large  grant  of  land  in  Ireland  should  be  made, 
in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  Fleetwood  and  others;  and  still 
another  cousin,  Samuel  Gookin  of  London,  the  son  of  Dan- 
iel's uncle  John,  was  appointed  one  of  the  Commissioners  for 
Compounding  with  the  Loyalists,  commonly  known  at  the  time 
as  the  Drury  House  Trustees,  from  their  place  of  meeting, 
and  sometimes  referred  to  as  the  "Treason  Trustees." 


Daniel  Gookin's  rapier,  and  cane  carried  by  his  grandson,  Daniel  Gookin, 

of  Worcester,  Massachusetts.     Now  in  the  possession  of 

their  descendant,  Charles  T.  Tatman. 


WHY  NAMED  WORCESTER?  169 

Clearly  there  were  strong  personal  reasons  why  Daniel 
Gookin  may  have  had  Cromwell  in  mind  when  naming  the 
new  settlement.  Yet  it  may  be  doubted  whether  these  were 
uppermost  in  his  mind.  In  its  military  aspects  the  battle  of 
Worcester  cannot  be  considered  as  one  of  Cromwell's  great 
achievements.  To  the  Puritans  of  his  day,  however,  the  vic- 
tory gained  there  was  one  of  deep  significance.  Hugh  Peters 
gave  voice  to  their  feelings  in  his  address  to  the  militiamen 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  battle, — "When  your  wives  and 
children  shall  ask  where  you  have  been  and  what  news:  say 
you  have  been  at  Worcester,  where  England's  sorrows  began, 
and  where  they  are  happily  ended."  As  these  words  were 
printed  in  the  "  Diurnal,"  it  is  not  improbable  that  they  reached 
Daniel  Gookin  and  made  a  deep  impression  upon  him.  He 
was  in  England  in  1650,  and  from  his  familiarity  with  the  dis- 
tressing conditions  that  prevailed  there  he  could  well  under- 
stand why  the  defeat  of  the  King's  forces  at  Worcester  in  the 
succeeding  year  should  be  regarded  by  Cromwell  as  "a  crown- 
ing mercy."  Whether  the  impression  was  still  strong  enough 
thirty-three  years  later  to  determine  the  choice  of  a  name  for 
the  Quinsigamond  plantation  is  a  question  to  which  no  certain 
answer  is  forthcoming.  So  far  as  is  known,  however,  Daniel 
Gookin  had  no  personal  associations  with  the  English  city, 
and  it  may  well  be  that  he  was  influenced  by  both  of  the  con- 
siderations here  set  forth. 

In  1685  a  controversy  arose  between  two  of  the  settlers, 
Captain  John  Wing  and  George  Danson,  in  regard  to  their 
lands.  This  was  finally  ended  by  a  committee  appointed  on 
June  11,  1686,  on  the  application  of  Wing  and  other  propri- 
etors of  the  town.  The  committee  consisted  of  Major  Gen- 
eral Daniel  Gookin,  Captain  Thomas  Prentice,  William  Bond, 
Captain  Joseph  Lynd,  and  Deacon  John  Haynes.  They  were 
instructed  to  regulate  the  affairs  of  the  settlement  and  to  con- 
firm titles  to  lands  in  Worcester,  and  "any  three  of  them  were 
empowered  to  act  provided  Major  Gookin  was  one  of  the 
three." 

Daniel  Gookin,  now  an  old  man  and  nearing  the  end  of  his 
career,  kept  up  his  interest  in  the  settlement  as  long  as  he 


170  SHERIFF  DANIEL  GOOKIN 

lived.  It  was  out  of  the  question  that  he  should  go  there  to 
dwell.  But  it  was  on  his  recommendation  that  the  town  was 
laid  out,  and,  under  more  favorable  circumstances,  it  is  prob- 
able that  his  endeavors  to  build  it  up  would  have  met  with 
greater  success.  The  set-back  caused  by  Philip's  war,  how- 
ever, was  too  lasting  to  be  overcome  until  long  after  Daniel 
had  been  laid  to  rest. 

The  lots  in  Worcester  granted  to  Daniel  were  not  disposed 
of  by  his  heirs  until  1720,  when  they  were  sold  to  John  Smith 
for  the  sum  of  ^120. 

When,  in  the  year  173 1,  the  county  of  Worcester  was 
formed,  Daniel  Gookin's  grandson  and  namesake,  the  son  of 
his  son  Samuel,  was  commissioned  Sheriff,  and  he  held  the 
office  until  his  death  in  June,  1743. 


CHAPTER  XX 


OON  after  the  restoration  of  Charles  II  to  the 
crown,  a  controversy  began  with  the  colonists 
over  their  charter  privileges,  which  continued 
with  scarcely  any  intermission  for  more  than 
twenty  years.  Both  sides  were  desirous  of  avoid- 
ing open  rupture,  yet  neither  showed  the  least 
disposition  to  yield.  The  tenacity  with  which 
the  colonists  held  to  what  they  regarded  as  their  rights,  was 
matched  by  equal  determination  on  the  part  of  the  crown  to 
exercise  authority  over  them.  The  men  at  the  head  of  the 
Colonial  government  showed  themselves  adepts  at  clever  fenc- 
ing, and  for  a  long  time  a  crisis  was  averted.  Gradually, 
however,  the  tension  became  more  acute.  In  the  years  follow- 
ing the  Indian  war  much  fuel  was  added  to  the  flame  by  the 
machinations  of  that  "evil  genius  of  New  England,"  Edward 
Randolph.  And  when,  in  1681,  a  royal  mandate  was  received, 
directing  that  authorized  agents  be  sent  to  London  to  repre- 
sent the  colony  and  answer  to  a  land  claimant,  it  was  perceived 
that  at  last  the  issue  had  been  presented  in  a  form  that  could 
no  longer  be  evaded. 

The  seriousness  of  the  situation  was  admitted  by  all,  but 
grave  differences  of  opinion  arose  as  to  the  best  policy  to  pur- 
sue. The  government  divided  into  two  parties,  both  agreed 
as  to  the  importance  of  the  privileges  conferred  by  the  char- 
ter, but  differing  as  to  their  extent,  and  upon  the  measures 
that  should    be   taken  to   preserve   them.     Governor   Brad- 

171 


172  GROWING  POPULARITY 

street,  and  with  him  William  Stoughton,  Joseph  Dudley,  and 
William  Brown,  were  for  bowing  to  the  storm,  hoping  thus  it 
would  pass  by  and  leave  them  unharmed.  Opposed  to  this 
view  was  the  other  party,  of  which  Thomas  Danforth  and 
Daniel  Gookin  were  the  leaders.  Arrayed  with  them  were 
several  of  the  principal  members  of  the  court,  and  they  appear 
to  have  had  the  support  also  of  the  more  intelligent  part  of 
the  community. 

For  several  years  Major  Gookin's  popularity  had  been 
steadily  growing.  In  his  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  measures 
proposed  by  the  crown,  he  displayed  the  same  spirit  of  dog- 
ged determination  with  which  he  adhered  to  the  cause  of  the 
Christian  Indians  in  the  face  of  popular  delirium.  Of  possible 
consequences  to  himself  he  took  no  note  in  either  case.  As 
he  stood  between  the  unhappy  red  men  and  the  enraged  col- 
onists, while  clearly  recognizing  the  danger  of  personal  vio- 
lence to  himself,  so  now  he  came  forward  and  openly  advocated 
the  policy  he  believed  to  be  right.  To  yield  to  the  king's 
demands  he  clearly  foresaw  would  be  a  fatal  mistake.  So  he 
stoutly  stood  for  a  strict  construction  of  the  charter.  He 
opposed  the  sending  agents  to  England.  He  opposed  sub- 
mission to  the  acts  of  trade.  Resistance  might  endanger  their 
charter;  submission  would  certainly  destroy  its  substance. 

Not  for  himself  did  he  take  this  stand.  He  was  sixty- 
eight  years  old,  and  it  could  make  little  difference  to  him  per- 
sonally, during  the  few  remaining  years  that  he  could  hope 
would  be  his  portion.  Yet  from  the  fullness  of  his  heart  did 
he  draw  up  the  following  paper  which  he  desired  might  be 
lodged  with  the  Court  as  his  dying  testimony. 

Honored  Gentlemen: — Haueing  liberty  by  law  (title  Liberties  com- 
mon) to  present  in  speech  or  writing  any  necessary  motion,  or  information, 
whereof  that  meeting  hath  proper  cognizance  so  it  bee  don  in  conuenient 
time,  due  order  and  Respective  manner — 1  have  chosen  the  latter  way 
and  hope  I  shall  attend  the  qualifications  as  to  time,  order  and  manner. 

It  is  much  upon  my  hart  to  suggest  to  your  prudent,  pious  and 
serious  consideration  my  poore  thoughts  touching  the  matters  lyeing 
before  you,  which  (to  my  weake  understanding)  is  a  case  of  great  con- 
cernment, as  to  weale  or  woe  of  thousands  of  the  Lord's  poore  people  in 
this  wilderness,  yt  for  the  testimony  of  Jesus  transplanted  themselves  into 


PROTEST  AGAINST  COLONIAL  AGENTS       173 

this  wilderness  yn  vnhabited;  and  here  purchasing  ye  right  of  the  natives 
did  sit  downe  in  this  vacuum,  as  it  were,  and  who  with  great  labour  and 
sufferings,  for  many  yeares  conflicting  with  hard  winters  and  hot  summers 
haue  possessed  and  left  to  yr  posterity  Those  inheritances  so  rightfully 
allotted  to  ym  According  to  the  Law  of  God  and  man;  those  considera- 
tions render  the  matter  most  momentous  to  me. 

Your  present  work  (as  I  understand)  is,  to  draw  up  instructions  for 
An  Agent  or  Agents  to  bee  sent  for  England,  in  complyance  with  his 
ma'ties  commands  in  his  last  letter,  which  requires  vs  to  send  Agents, 
within  3  months  duly  impoured  to  Answer  a  claime  made  by  one  Mr. 
Mason  claiming  title  to  a  certaine  tract  of  land  within  this  jurisdiction, 
particularly  between  the  riuers  of  Naumkeike1  and  Merimack,  upon  wh 
land  many  of  our  principal  townes  are  seated,  and  many  thousands  of 
people  interested  and  concerned  who  haue  right  to  these  lands  by  the 
Generall  Court's  grant,  Indian  Title,  and  yt  impoured,  and  that  for  about 
fifty  yeares,  and  without  any  claime  made  by  Mr.  Mason,  or  his  predeces- 
sors, and  besides  their  title  hath  beene  established  by  o'r  law  till  possession, 
printed  and  published,  when  conuenient  time  was  granted  to  enter  ye 
claimes  if  any,  and  upon  the  pr'mises  many  sales  and  Alienations  haue 
(doubtles)  beene  made;  and  diuers  of  the  first  planters  deceased,  leaving 
their  inheritances  to  ye  quiet  poss'ion  of  yr  posterity;  All  this  notwith- 
standing by  the  Letters  aforesaid  (wch  there  is  good  ground  to  think  hath 
beene  procured  and  sent  ouer  more  by  the  solicitation  of  our  enimies  yn 
any  disposition  in  his  moste  excelent  ma'tie  (o'r  gracious  king)  to  quel  so 
great  disquiet  and  disturbance  to  his  poore  inocent  and  Loyal  Subjects, 
inhabiting  in  this  place,  as  is  occassioned  therby,  in  requiring  us  to  send  an 
Agent  or  Agents  to  Answer  before  him  and  unto  Mr.  Mason's  claimes,  on 
behalf  of  these  proprietors  called  Ter  tennants,  and  to  abide  by  the  termi- 
nation y't  shall  be  there  giuen;  Could  wee  promise  o'rselues,  that  the 
conclusion  would  bee  in  o'r  fauor,  which  we  have  no  assurance  to  expect, 
yet  the  scruple  with  me  for  sending  at  all  as  the  case  is  circumstanced  is 
not  remoued,  but  remains  vntouched. 

I.  Because  this  pr'cedent  in  conceding  to  send  Agent  or  Agents  for 
the  tryalls  and  to  Answer  particular  complaints  and  claymes  in  England 
before  his  ma'tie  touching  proprieties,2  will  (as  I  humbly  conceue)  have 
a  tendency,  if  not  certenly  subuert  and  destroy  the  mayne  nerves  of  o'r 
Government  and  Charter,  lawes  and  liberties.  Besides  (as  I  apr'hend) 
it  will  bereaue  us  of  o'r  liberties  as  Englishmen,  (confirmed  many  times 
by  magna  charta,  who  are  to  bee  tryed  in  all  their  concernes,  ciuil,  or  crimi- 
nal by  12  honest  men  of  the  neighbourhood,  under  oath  and  in  his  ma'ties 
Courts,  before  his  sworn  Judges  and  not  before  his  ma'ties  Royal  person; 
surely  o'r  com'g  3  thousand  miles  under  security  of  his  ma'ties  title,  and 
by  his  good  leave  to  plant  this  howling  wilderness  hath  not  deuested  us 

1  Otherwise,  Salem. 

2 1,  e.,  proprietorship  of  lands. 


i74      PROTEST  AGAINST  COLONIAL  AGENTS 

of  that  native  liberty  w'h  o'r  countrymen  injoy.  Now  if  Mr.  Mason  haue 
any  claime  to  make,  of  any  man  within  this  jurisdiction,  his  ma'ties  Courts 
heere  established  by  charter  are  open  to  him  :  And  he  may  implead  any 
man  yt  doth  him  wrong  before  ye  Jury  and  sworne  Judges;  according  to 
law  and  pattent  heretofore  and  lately  confirmed  by  his  Royal  ma'tie  as 
under  his  signet  doth  or  may  appeare. 

2d.  To  send  Agents  not  duly  impoured  as  his  ma'ties  lt'r  requires 
will  probably  offend  and  prouoake  his  ma'tie  rather  yn  please  him  and 
give  him  occasion  either  to  imprison  o'r  Agents,  until  they  be  fully 
impoured  or  otherwise  pass  a  finall  Judgment  in  the  case  (if  Agents  bee 
there)  though  they  stand  mute  and  doe  not  plead  to  the  case.  And  on 
the  other  hand  if  Agents  are  sent  duly  impoured  to  Answer  as  the  letter 
requires,  yn  let  it  bee  considered  whether  wee  doe  not,  at  once,  undoe 
ourselues  and  posterity,  in  being  obliged  to  Respond  any  complaint  or  try 
any  case,  ciuill  or  criminal  wch  it  shall  please  any  person,  that  delights  in 
giuing  us  trouble,  is  pleased  to  bring  thither,  the  Greevous  Burden  and 
inconvience  whereof  would  bee  intolerable.  I  conceue,  if  one  of  the 
twaine  must  bee  submitted  to,  it  were  much  Better  to  desire  yt  A  Gen- 
eral Gouernor  or  Commission'rs  might  bee  Constituted  here  in  the 
country  to  try  all  cases  ciuil,  criminal  and  military  according  to  discretion, 
as  was  Attempted  by  the  Commissioners  Anno  1664,  1665.  But  then 
God  was  pleased  to  influence  his  people  with  such  a  degree  of  virtue  and 
courage,  firmely  to  Adhere  unto  o'r  charter  and  the  Laws  and  Liberties 
thereby  established;  and  God  of  his  grace  and  goodness  was  then  pleased, 
upon  our  humble  Adreses  to  o'r  King,  to  incline  his  ma'ties  Royall  hart  to 
accept  of  o'r  Answer  and  not  to  give  us  further  trouble,  the  consequence 
whereof  was  yt  we  have  enjoyed  o'r  mercys  15  years  longer,  and  who 
knows  But  it  may  bee  so  now  if  wee  make  our  humble  Adreses  and  give 
o'r  reasons  for  not  sending  Agents;  surely  o'r  God  is  the  same,  yesterday 
and  to-day  and  for  euer;  and  our  king  is  the  same,  inclining  to  fau'r  the 
Righteous  caus  of  his  poore  inocente  and  loyal  subjects  and  I  doubt  not 
if  wee  make  triall  and  follow  our  endea'r  by  faith  and  prair  but  God  will 
appear  for  us,  in  mercy,  &  make  a  good  Isue  of  this  affayre. 

The  sending  of  Agents  will  contract  a  very  great  charge  and  expenses 
wch  the  poore  people  are  very  unable  to  stand  under,  considering  the  great 
diminishings  yt  wee  haue  had  by  warr,  small  pox,  fires,  sea  loses,  Blastings 
and  other  publicke  loses,  for  my  part,  I  see  not  how  mony  will  be  raised 
to  defray  this  charge  unles  it  bee  borrowed  upon  interest  of  some  partic- 
ular man  ;  moreouer  the  country  is  yet  in  debt  and  pays  interest  for  mony 
yearly;  especially  to  bee  at  so  great  cost  for  no  other  end  (in  probability) 
but  to  cut  us  short  of  o'r  Liberties  and  priviledges  as  too  late  experience 
in  o'r  former  Agent's  Negotiations  doth  evidence. 

Besides  this  matter  of  Mr.  Mason's  claims  wee  are  required  to  send 
Agents  to  Attend  the  Regulation  of  o'r  Government,  &c,  and  to  satisfy 
his  ma'tie  in  Admitting  freemen  as  is  proposed  in  ye  letter.     And  to  give 


COGENT  ARGUMENTS  175 

an  Acc't  what  incouragement  is  giuen  to  such  persons  as  desire  to  wor- 
ship Ciod  According  to  the  way  of  the  church  of  England. 

Now  to  send  Agents  to  Answer  and  attend  these  things,  who  sees  not 
how  grate  a  snare  It  may  proue  unto  us,  for  Touching  our  Government 
wee  are  well  contented  with  it  and  o'r  charter  and  desire  no  change.  If 
there  should  bee  any  Lawes  yt  are  Repugnant  to  ye  Laws  of  England, 
(I  know  not  any.)  they  may  be  repealed. 

Concerning  Freemen's  Admission,  nothing  is  more  cleare  in  the  char- 
ter, yn  this,  that  the  Gouern'r  and  Company  haue  free  liberty  to  admit 
whome  they  thinke  meet. 

As  for  any  that  desire  to  worship  God  According  to  the  manner  of 
the  church  of  England,  there  is  no  law  to  pr'hibite  or  restraine  ym  neith'r 
is  it  meet  to  make  any  law  to  yt  effect  because  it  would  bee  repugnant  to 
the  law  of  England.  Hut  for  this  Gou'ment  to  declare  or  make  a  law  to 
Encoura<je  Any  to  practise  yt  worship  here,  may  it  not  bee  feared  this  would 
offend  God,  and  bee  condemning  the  doings  and  sufferings  of  o'rselues  and 
fathers  that  first  planted  this  country. 

These  things  considered  and  many  more  I  might  Aleadge  giue  mee 
cause  to  desire  your  pardon  that  1  cannot  consent  or  iudge  it  expedient  to 
send  An  Agent  or  Agents  at  this  time  as  things  are  circumstanced. 

Therefore  I  conceiue  it  is  much  the  Best  and  safest  course  not  to  send 
any  Agent  at  all  and  consequently  the  committe  may  forbeare  to  draw  up 
Instruction  for  them  but  rather  pr'sent  to  the  court  the  difficulties  in  the 
case;  and  if  you  please,  I  am  not  unwilling  that  this  paper  bee  pr'sented  to 
the  Honored  Court  to  consider  of. 

And  rather  if  you  see  meet  to  draw  up  and  pr'sent  to  the  Gen'll 
Court  a  humble  and  Argumentative  Address  to  his  Sacred  ma'tie  To  par- 
don his  poore  yet  Loyal  people  in  this  matter  so  destructive  to  the  quiet 
and  so  inconsistent  with  their  well  being. 

But  to  this  it  may  be  objected, 

I  objection,  that  it  is  our  duty  to  send  Agents  because  the  King 
commands  it,  otherwise  we  may  be  found  Breakers  of  the  fi'th  command. 

Answer — I  humbly  conceue  wee  ought  to  distinguish  of  o'r  duty  to 
Super'rs,  sometimes  possibly  they  may  require  vnlawful  things  as  the 
Rulers  of  the  Jewes  did  of  the  Apostles;  Acts,  4  :  18.  19. —  in  wch  case 
[the]  Holy  Ghost  tels  us  our  duty  in  yt  text.  2dly.  Rulers  may  com- 
mand things  yt  considered  in  their  tendencies  and  circumstances  and 
comixture  with  religion,  may  be  of  a  morall  nature  and  consequently 
unlawful  and  not  to  be  allow'd  in  doing.  But  rather  Runne  the  Hazard 
of  Suffering,  of  which  nature  I  humbly  conceaue  is  the  pr'sent  cause,  for 
if  wee  send  agents  as  the  letter  requires  wee  doe  destroy  ourselues  in  our 
greatest  concerns  as  I  apr'hend :  now  selfe  preseruation,  is  a  moral  duty 
and  not  only  Reason  and  Religion  but  nature,  doth  teach  us  this.  Againe, 
if  this  Gouernment  of  ours  bee  of  Chhts  establishing  and  gift  and  a  part 
of  his  purchase,  as  I  judge  it  is,  will  it  not  bee  a  moral  end  for  us  to  bee 


176  OBJECTIONS  ANSWERED 

Active  in  parting  with  it.  I  remember  yt  eminent  Mr.  Mitchell,  now  in 
heaven,  in  his  publicke  lecture  (February  1660,)  speaking  of  Cht's  Kingly 
Gouernment  upon  a  ciuil  Acct,  did  Declare  that  this  Gouernment  setled 
in  ye  Massachus'ts  according  to  pattent  and  laws  was  as  hee  said  a  speci- 
men of  that  ciuil  Gour'nt,  that  the  lord  Cht  Jesus  Design'd  to  establish 
in  the  whole  world  where  in  such  as  are  godly  p'rsons,  and  vnder  his 
Kingly  Gouernment  in  his  church  should  bee  electers  and  elected  to 
pouer.  And  therefore  said  hee  who  eu'r  hee  bee  yt  shall  goe  about  to 
subuert  or  undermine  this  Gouernment,  hee  sets  himselfe  against  Cht 
Jesus,  and  hee  will  (then)  haue  Cht  for  his  enimy.  Also  Reverend  Mr. 
Shepard  in  his  booke  of  the  ten  Uirgins,  25  math,  in  ye  I  part,  page  166, 
speaks  to  ye  same  purpose.  These  persons  were  burning  and  shineing 
lights  in  yr  Generation  and  much  of  God's  mynd  did  they  know  and 
speak. 

Object.  2.  But  if  wee  send  no  Agents  wee  must  expect  sad  conse- 
quences yrof  such  as  putting  us  out  of  his  ma'ties  Allegeance,  damning 
o'r  patent,  inhibiting  trade,  and  such  like. 

Answer  1 :  Something  hath  been  spoken  aboue  to  this  matter  to  wh 
I  Refer. 

2 :  I  verily  Belieue  yt  so  gracious  a  prince  as  o'r  king  is  will  bee  very 
slow  to  deale  so  seuerely  against  his  poore  loyall  subjects  yt  Are  not  con- 
scious wee  haue  shewed  any  disloyalty  to  him  or  his  pr'desc'rs,  nor  have 
been  unwilling  to  obey  him  in  the  lord.  But  when  the  case  is  so  circum- 
stanced yt  we  must  be  Accounted  offenders  or  Ruine  o'rselues;  of  2  evels 
ye  least  is  to  be  chosen. 

3  :  But  if  it  should  bee  soe  yt  wee  must  suffer  in  this  case  wee  may 
have  ground  to  hope  yt  God  o'r  father  in  Cht  will  support  and  comfort 
us  in  all  o'r  tribulations  and  in  his  due  time  deliuer  vs.  Much  more 
might  be  s'd  Touching  the  pr'my'es.  But  I  have  been  too  tedious  And 
longer  yn  I  intended  for  wch  I  crave  yr  pardon  and  humbly  intreat  a  can- 
did construction  of  this  paper  a  coveringe  of  all  the  imperfections  yr  off: 
This  case,  as  is  aboue  hinted,  is  very  momentous  and  therefore  I  intreat 
you  candidly  to  peruse  what  is  s'd,  if  there  bee  little  waight  in  it  (as  some 
may  thinke)  it  is  satisfactory  to  me,  that  I  haue  offered  it  to  yr  considera- 
tion, and  yt  I  have  in  this  great  cause  (before  I  goe  hence  and  bee  no  more 
wch  I  must  shortly  expect)  giuen  my  testimony  and  declared  my  judgment 
in  this  great  concerne  of  Jesus  Cht,  To  whome  I  commit  all  and  yorselues 
also  desiring  him  to  be  to  you  as  hee  is  in  himselfe,  the  mighty  counsel- 
lor, King  of  Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords. 

I  remaine  your  most  humble  seruant 

and  His  ma'ties  most  Loyal  Subject, 

Daniel  Gookin,  Sen'r. 

Cambridge,  February  14,  1 680. 

These  for  the  Hon'rable  Symon  Bradstreet  Esq.  Gouernour,  and 
Thomas  Danforth  Esq.  Deputy  Gouernor,  and  the  Rest  of  the  Honored 


PUBLIC  APPROBATION  177 

Gent,  of  the  Committee  of  the  Generall  Court  appointed  to  draw  up  and 
prepare  instructions  for  Agents  to  bee  sent  for  England  Sitting  in  Boston, 
pr'sented." 

The  emission  of  this  paper  not  only  won  the  day  for  the 
contention  of  the  radical  party,  but  also  gained  for  its  author 
a  measure  of  public  approbation  that  must  have  been  pecu- 
liarly sweet  after  the  obloquy  so  unjustly  visited  upon  him  five 
years  before.  The  defender  of  the  red  men  was  now  hailed 
as  the  champion  of  the  people.  At  the  next  General  Election, 
May  11,  1681,  he  was  made  Major  Generator  commander-in- 
chief  of  all  the  military  forces  of  the  colony.  Thus  did  the 
people  manifest  their  respect  and  esteem,  and  their  confidence 
not  alone  in  his  judgement  in  civil  matters,  but  in  his  capacity 
as  a  commander.  As  he  was  already  a  magistrate,  it  was, 
indeed,  the  highest  honor  within  their  power  to  confer,  unless 
they  had  elected  him  governor,  which  would  have  violated  all 
their  traditions,  the  custom  being  to  retain  faithful  public 
servants  in  office  as  long  as  they  were  able  and  willing  to 
serve. 

The  five  years  during  which  Daniel  Gookin  held  the  posi- 
tion of  Major  General  was  a  time  of  ever-increasing  distress 
in  the  affairs  of  the  colony,  until  finally  these  troubles  culmi- 
nated, in  1686,  with  the  abrogation  of  the  charter  government 
by  James  II.  In  the  struggle  with  the  crown,  the  active 
leadership  during  this  acute  stage  fell  to  Thomas  Danforth, 
but  Daniel  Gookin,  despite  his  years  and  the  multiplicity  of 
his  employments,  was  his  zealous  and  able  second.  Together 
they  fought  Edward  Randolph  at  every  turn,  incurring,  as  was 
natural,  the  enmity  of  that  infamous  self-seeker,  who,  on  May 
29,  1682,  wrote  the  Bishop  of  London: 

"I  think  I  have  so  clearly  layd  downe  the  matter  of  fact,  sent  over 
their  lawes  and  orders  to  confirme  what  I  have  wrote,  that  they  cannot 
deny  them :  However,  if  commanded,  I  will  readily  pass  the  seas  to  attend 
at  Whitehall,  especially  if  Danford,  Goggin,  and  Newell,  magistrates, 
and  Cooke,  Hutchinson  and  Fisher,  members  of  their  late  General  Court 
and  great  opposers  of  the  honest  Governor  and  majestrates  be  sent  for  to 
appeare  before  his  Majesty;  till  which  time  this  country  will  always  be  a 
shame  as  well  as  inconveniency  to  the  government  at  home."1 

1  Hutchinson's  Coll.,  p.  499. 


178       THE  CHARTER  ABROGATED 

King  James,  however,  was  too  closely  occupied  with  more 
important  things  to  heed  this  suggestion.  Danforth  and 
Gookin  maintained  their  attitude  resolutely  to  the  end;  and 
though  at  last  they  were  overborne,  yet  in  the  sequel,  when 
the  colony  was  reduced  to  a  position  little  better  than  slavery, 
the  validity  of  Daniel's  arguments  was  made  manifest. 

Chief  Justice  Sewall's  diary  affords  a  glimpse  of  General 
Gookin  in  the  sorrowful  days  when  the  colony  was  deprived 
of  its  charter. 

"Satterday,  May  15,  1 686. 
"Govr  Hinkley,  Major  Richards,  Mr  Russell  and  Self  sent  to  by  Major 
Dudley  to  come  to  Capt.  Paige's  where  we  saw  the  Exemplification  of 
the  Judgement  against  the  Charter  .  .  .  before  we  returned,  the  Magis- 
trates were  gone  to  the  Governour's  and  from  thence  they  adjourned  till 
Monday  one  o'clock.     Major  Generall  came  home  and  dined  with  me." 

Monday,  May  17th,  1686. 
"Generall  Court  sits  at  One  aclock.  I  goe  thither,  about  3.  The  Old 
Government  draws  to  the  North-side,  Mr.  Addington,  Capt.  Smith  and  I 
sit  at  the  Table,  there  not  being  room :  Major  Dudley  the  Praesident, 
Major  Pynchon,  Capt.  Gedney,  Mr.  Mason,  Randolph,  Capt.  Winthrop, 
Mr.  Wharton  came  in  on  the  Left,  Mr.  Stoughton  I  left  out:  Came 
also  Capt.  King's  Frigot,  Govr  Hinkley,  Govr  West  and  sate  on  the  Bench, 
and  the  Room  pretty  well  filled  with  Spectators  in  an  instant. 

"  Major  Dudley  made  a  Speech,  that  was  sorry  could  treat  them  no 
longer  as  Governour  and  Company;  Produced  the  Exemplification  of  the 
Charter's  Condemnation,  the  Commission  under  the  Broad  Seal  of  Eng- 
land—  both:  Letter  of  the  Lords,  Commission  of  Admiralty,  openly 
exhibiting  them  to  the  People;  when  had  done,  Deputy  Governour  said  sup- 
pos'd  they  expected  not  the  Court's  answer  now;  which  the  Praesident 
took  up  and  said  they  could  not  acknowledge  them  as  such  and  could  no 
way  capitulate  with  them,  to  which  I  think  no  Reply. 

"When  gone  Major  Generall,  Major  Richards,  Mr.  Russel  and  Self 
spake  our  minds.  I  chose  to  say  after  the  Major  Generall  adding  that 
the  foundations  being  destroyed  what  can  the  Righteous  do;  speaking 
against  a  Protest;  which  some  spake  for." 

There  was,  indeed,  nothing  that  could  be  done,  and  we 
can  easily  picture  to  ourselves  the  grief  and  bitter  feeling  of 
helplessness  that  then  came  over  Daniel  Gookin  and  his  associ- 
ates in  the  old  government.  The  abrogation  of  the  charter 
was  a  blow  that  shattered  the  very  foundation  of  their  civil 
rights,  and  with  a  Papist  upon  the  throne  of  England  the  out- 
look for  the  colony  seemed  dark  and  cheerless. 


CHAPTER  XXI 


RS.  MARY  GOOKIN,  Daniel's  wife  and  his 
faithful  companion  for  almost  forty-four  years, 
passed  away  on  Saturday,  October  27,  1683,1 
leaving  his  home  desolate.  It  is  greatly  to  be 
regretted  by  her  descendants  that  no  contem- 
porary account  of  Mary  has  been  handed  down 
to  our  time.  All  we  can  know  of  her  is  that  she 
was  a  pious,  godly  woman,  and  the  worthy  helpmeet  of  one  of 
the  noblest  and  purest  of  men.  The  one  mention  of  her  that 
Daniel  makes  in  his  writings  shows  her  assisting  him  in  min- 
istering to  the  sick  among  the  Natick  Indians  after  their 
release  from  Deer  Island.2  She  was  the  mother  of  all  his 
children,  nine  in  number. 

Samuel,  the  eldest,  was  born  in  England  about  1640,  and 
died  in  infancy,  in  Virginia.  Mary,  the  second  child,  was  born 
in  Virginia  about  1642,  and  on  June  8,  1670,  was  married  to 
Edmund  Batter  of  Salem,  as  his  second  wife.  He  died  in 
August,  1685,  at  the  age  of  76,  and  Mary  survived  him  until 
1702. 

Elizabeth,  the  third  child,  was  born  in  Roxbury,  Mass., 
March  14,  1644/5.  On  May  23, 1666,  she  was  married  to  Rev. 
John  Eliot,  Jr.,  who  died  on  October  11,  1668.  By  him  she 
had  a  son,  John  Eliot,  who  grew  up  in  the  household  of  his 
grandfather  Daniel  Gookin,  by  whom  he  was  greatly  beloved. 

1See  "Diary  of  Rev.  Noadiah  Russell,"  N.  Eng.  Hist.  Gen.  Reg.,  1853. 
2  Supra,  p.  159. 

179 


180  GENERAL  GOOKIN'S  CHILDREN 

Elizabeth  remained  a  widow  and  lived  with  her  father  until 
December  8,  1680,  when  she  became  the  second  wife  of  Col- 
onel Edmund  Quincy  of  Braintree.  From  her  all  the  Quincys 
in  the  United  States  descend.     Colonel  Quincy  died  January 

8,  1697/8,  and  Elizabeth  died  on  November  30,  1700. 

The  fourth  child,  Hannah,  was  baptized  in  Roxbury,  May 

9,  1647,  and  died  there  August  2  of  the  same  year.  Daniel, 
the  fifth  child,  was  born  in  Cambridge,  April  8,  and  died  Sep- 
tember 3,  1649. 

Another  son  Daniel  was  born  in  Cambridge,  July  12,  1650. 
He  was  at  first  a  fellow  of  Harvard  College,  but  at  the  instance 
of  his  father  he  entered  the  ministry,  settled  at  Sherburne,  and 
engaged  in  the  work  of  preaching  to  the  Christian  Indians  at 
Natick,  which  he  began  about  the  time  of  his  marriage  to 
Elizabeth  Quincy,  daughter  of  Colonel  Edmund  Quincy  by  his 
first  wife,  Joanna  Hoar.  This  marriage  took  place  on  October 
4,  1682.  It  was  a  great  consolation  to  the  Major  General 
during  his  last  years  that  his  eldest  son,  described  by  John 
Eliot  as  "a  pious  and  learned  young  man,"1  should  devote  his 
life  to  the  spiritual  enlightenment  of  the  savages.  He  contin- 
ued in  the  work  until  physical  infirmity  and  advancing  years 
compelled  him  to  desist.  On  January  2,  1691,  his  wife  Eliza- 
beth died,  and  on  July  21  of  the  following  year  he  married 
Bethiah,  daughter  of  Richard  and  Thomazin  Collacot,  of 
Dorchester.  Daniel  died  in  Sherburne,  January  8,  1717/8; 
Bethiah  died  in  Dedham,  December  12,  1729. 

Daniel  Gookin's  seventh  child,  Samuel,  was  born  in  Cam- 
bridge, April  22,  1652,  and  died  there  September  16,  1730. 
He  was  Sheriff  of  Suffolk  from  1691  until  1702  and  afterward 
for  many  years,  until  a  short  time  before  his  death,  he  held  the 
same  office  in  the  county  of  Middlesex.  His  first  wife  and  the 
mother  of  his  children  was  Mary(PLarkin).  She  died  about 
1707  and  on  September  28,  1708,  he  married  Hannah,  daughter 
of  Samuel  and  Hannah  (Manning)  Stearns,  and  widow  of 
Thomas  Biscoe. 

Solomon,  Daniel  Gookin's  eighth  child,  was  born  in  Cam- 

1  Birch's  Life  of  Robert  Boyle,  p.  444. 


SECOND  MARRIAGE 


ibi 


bridge,  June  20,  and  died  July  16, 1654.  Nathaniel,  the  young- 
est of  the  nine,  was  born  in  Cambridge  October  22, 1656.  He 
was  a  man  of  fine  ability  and  was  greatly  mourned  when  he 
died,  on  August  7,  1692,  in  his  thirty-sixth  year.  He  was  then 
the  beloved  pastor  of  the  First  Church  in  Cambridge.  His 
wife,  whom  he  married  August  3,  1685,  was  Hannah,  daughter 
of  his  step-mother  by  her  first  husband,  Habijah  Savage. 

After  his  wife's  death  Daniel's  household  consisted  of  only 
himself,  his  son  Nathaniel,  then  beginning  the  second  year  of 
his  pastorate  of  the  First  Church  in  Cambridge,  and  his  six- 
teen-year-old grandson,  John  Eliot.  About  a  year  later  Dan- 
iel married  again,  taking  as  a  helpmeet  in  his  old  age,  Mrs. 
Hannah  Savage,1  daughter  of  Edward  and  Mary  (Sears) 
Tyng,  and  widow  of  Habijah  Savage.  The  date  of  this  mar- 
riage does  not  appear  to  have  been  recorded.  It  was,  however, 
prior  to  April  10,  1685,  on  which  day  Daniel  and  Hannah, 
in  consideration  of  the  sum  of  £95  New  England  money, 
conveyed  to  Major  John  Child,  of  London,  a  farm  at  Pom- 
pasettacutt  that  had  been  granted  to  Daniel  by  the  General 
Court. 

Hannah,  who  was  born  March  7,  1640,  was  married  to  her 
first  husband,  May  8,  1661.  He  died  before  May  24,  1669, 
leaving  her  with  three2  young  children  to  bring  up.  When 
she  married  General  Gookin,  her  son  Thomas  was  aged 
twenty,  and  her  twin  daughters,  Hannah  and  Mary,  were  sev- 
enteen. Both  of  the  daughters,  and  probably  the  son  also, 
joined  Daniel  Gookin's  family  circle  when  he  became  their  step- 
father, and  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  presence  of  the  young 
people  in  the  house  helped  much  to  cheer  his  life  during  the 
two  years  that  yet  remained  to  him.  Pleasant,  too,  he  must 
have  found  it,  to  watch  the  growth  of  the  attachment  which 
sprang  up  between  his  son  Nathaniel  and  his  step-daughter 
Hannah,  and  was  soon  followed  by  their  marriage. 

Notwithstanding  his  seventy-two  years  Daniel  was  still  hale 
and  hearty.     His  zeal  in  the  Indian  work  showed  no  sign  of 

xThis  alliance  made  Daniel  brother-in-law  to  Daniel  Searle,  Rev.  Samuel  Wil- 
lard,  and  Gov.  Joseph  Dudley,  the  husbands  of  Hannah's  sisters. 

2  Possibly  four;  one,  the  eldest,  died  young,  but  the  date  is  not  known. 


1 82  A  FALSE  ACCUSATION 

flagging,  though  it  was  carried  on  under  great  discouragements. 
Professions  of  interest  were  made  by  many,  yet  Eliot  wrote  to 
Boyle  that  Major  Gookin  was  his  "only  cordial  assistant." 
In  another  letter  he  speaks  of  him  as  "a  pillar  in  our  Indian 
work."  The  majority  of  the  people  were  apathetic.  Illegal 
seizures  of  property  of  the  Indians  were  not  uncommon  and 
caused  Daniel  much  trouble  and  annoyance.  But  the  most 
frequent  obstruction  came  from  violations  of  the  law  forbid- 
ding the  sale  of  liquor  to  the  red  men,  under  severe  penalty. 
A  typical  case  is  related  by  Daniel  in  a  deposition  made  by  him 
in  December,  1681. 

"I  wel  remember  That  upon  the  12th  of  May  last  in  that  morning 
John  Hastings  Constable  of  Cambridge  brought  from  the  prison  before 
me  two  Indians  one  called  Job  Nesutan  &  the  other  John  Chosumphs: 
whome  hee  had  (wth  others)  Taken  drunke  in  the  street  the  night  before. 
These  Indians  beeing  questioned  where  they  had  the  drink  yl  made  ym 
drunk  they  would  not  confesse  where  they  had  the  drink,  so  I  passed  a 
sentence  upon  them  according  to  law  &  comitted  them  to  prison  untill  it 
was  performed:    After  this  either  the  same  day  or  ye  next  day  some  of 
my  family  informed  mee  y*  they  heard  y*  Job  the  Indian  in  prison  had 
informed  the  prison  keeper  that  my  son  Samuel  Gookin  had  let  him  have 
two  pence  in  drinke  wch  made  him  drunk;  whereupon  I  sent  for  my  son 
Samuel  &  told  him  what  I  heard  Job  had  said  of  him  about  his  selling  or 
giving  him  drinke.     But  my  son  answered  that  it  was  a  false  accusation 
for  hee  had  not  any  strong   drink  in  his  house,  whereupon  I  bid  him 
goe  to  the  prison  keeper  &  bid  him  come  &  bring  Job  before  me  to 
accuse  my  sonne  to  his  face  that  hee  might  cleare  himself  if  need  were  as 
the  law  allowes :  But  as  I  afterwards  understood  Samuel  Goffe  interposed 
&  quarreled  with  my  son  &  kept  the  indian  from  coming  before  me  wch 
was  an  obstruction  of  Justice  &  contempt  of  Authority:  And  about  the 
same  time  another  indian  called  John  Pachanaharm  hearing  y1  Job  had 
accused  my  sonn  hee  came  before  me  &  told  me  that  he  knew  where  Job 
&  the  other  Indians  had  the  drinke  that  made  ym  Drunke,  for  hee  was 
with  them  &  they  drunk  as  much  cider  as  they  desired  at  3d  a  quart  wcb 
they  had  at  Sam.  Goffes  house:  &  therupon  hee  sd  if  I  would  p'rmit  him 
hee  would  goe  presently  &  fetch  cider  there  wch  accordingly  hee  did  in 
the  sight  of  two  English  witnesses,  hee  carried  wth  him  an  empty  bottle 
unto  Sam  Goff's  house  &  brought  it  forth  full  of  cider.     So  the  English 
men  seased  upon  him  and  brought  both  the  indian  &  cider  Before  me  & 
yn  I  took  the  indians  testimony  of  ye  former  matters.     Morour  I  know  y* 
Sam  Goffe  Lent  Job  the  Indian  money  to  Redeeme  him  out  of  prison,  as 
the  Jaylor  wel  knowes,  &  moreur  I  have  good  ground  to  Beeleve  by  infor- 
mation of  the  Indians  that  Samuel  Goffe  persuaded  Job  to  accuse  my 


SOLICITUDE  FOR  INDIAN  CHARGES         183 

son :  thereby  to  blemish  My  sonne  &  to  conceale  his  owne  guilt  in  selling 
the  indians  cider:  further  in  this  case  I  say  not. 

Sworn  in  Court  J.  R.  C.  DANIEL  GOOKIN 

20:   10:  81 

Aggression  by  white  settlers  caused  General  Gookin  to 
write  two  letters  a  few  years  later,  which  reflect  his  constant 
solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  his  Indian  charges. 

DANIEL     GOOKIN     TO     WILLIAM     STOUGHTON     AND     JOSEPH 

DUDLEY1 
Gentelmen.  Cambridge,  June  9th  1684 

I  understand  that  some  indians  are  to  Appeare  before  you  this  day, 
to  claime  title,  by  young  Josias,  of  some  land,  belonging  to  the  Township 
of  Naticke,  wch  ensigne  Grout  of  Sudbury  doth  as  I  conceue,  most  wrong- 
fuly  &  indirectly  endeavor  to  Beareve  the  Natick  Indians  of  it.  I  intreat 
you  to  bee  very  slow  to  make  any  conclusion  upon  it;  or  give  yor  sense 
of  it  untill  you  shall  haue  opertuny  to  know  the  Intrigues  in  the  case, 
wch  canot  bee  discoured  to  you  in  a  few  lines.  Tis  most  certene  y*  Josias 
Ancesters  both  father  8c  grandfather  haue  yelded  up  all  yr  right  to  ye 
English  of  these  land  &  besides  Mr  Eliot  paid  to  the  old  Indians  a  just 
compensation  for  all  their  Natural  Right  Si  gave  it  for  a  Township  for  ye 
Indians  of  Naticke.  The  Gen11  Court  has  also  granted  y6  Indians  of  y* 
place  the  tract  of  land,  as  also  ye  Township  haue  againe  &  they  haue 
possest  it  by  ye  law  of  possessions  &  their  hath  beene  a  title  cried  in 
Charles  towne  court  2  years  since  betwen  Es.  Grout  &  Natick  indians 
for  y°  individul  piece  of  land  &  the  Indians  recoured  the  land  &  the 
Marshal  General  deleured  it  to  ym  by  execution  &  Grout  paid  all  costs, 
yet  is  hee  restles  &:  would  now  (as  I  heare)  by  a  Title  from  Josias  and 
giue  ym  new  trouble.  Many  things  might  be  sd  more  to  shew  ye  unworthy 
dealing  of  F.  Groutt  in  this  matter,  And  y*  probably  will  appeare  in 
due  time;  I  haue  no  more  to  Trouble  you  at  this  time  beeing  in  hast, 
Wth  my  due  respects  &  seruice  prsented  I  remaine 

Yor  assured  friend  &  humble  Seruant 

Daniel  Gookin  Senr 

The  second  letter  is  without  date,  but  was  probably  written 
about  the  same  time  as  the  preceding  one. 

DANIEL    GOOKIN    TO    JOSEPH    DUDLEY,    PRESIDENT    OF    THE 

COUNCIL 
Hono'ble  Sr 

The  Indians  Belonging  to  Hassanamesit  who  are  Beare[r]s  herof  doe 
complaine  to  mee  (but  I  haue  noe  power  to  Releeue  them)  that  one 

1  Now  in  possession  of  Charles  B.  Gookin,  of  Boston. 


1 84  LAST  ILLNESS  AND  DEATH 

Edward  Pratt  a  pretended  purchaser  from  John  Wompas  deceased,  Hath 
lately  Actually  built  a  house  within  their  township  of  4  miles  square  & 
very  neare  unto  their  orchards  &  planting  fields :  at  wch  they  are  agreued 
&  when  they  aske  him  the  Reason  of  his  actions  hee  saith  y*  hee  hath 
frends  lately  com  ovr  &  in  power  yl  wil  beare  him  out  in  it.  Besides  as 
I  am  informed  this  fellow  sells  the  indians  strong  liquors.  He  is  as  I 
aprhend  rather  to  bee  reputed  a  disorderly  wandering  Rouge  than  a  sober 
p'son,  hee  is  a  single  man  &  hath  neither  wife  nor  child.  These  are 
Humbly  to  intreat  you  to  direct  ye  Indians  what  shal  be  done  in  the  case 
5:  please  to  send  a  warrant  for  said  Pratt  Si.  here  his  prtensions  for  his 
doings  &  proceed  wth  him  as  you  shal  see  meet  in  yr  wisdome;  If  it 
were  in  my  power  or  limetts  I  should  not  giue  yr  honor  this  trouble. 

Also  these  Indians  desire  they  may  be  furnished  with  some  powder  & 
shott  to  defend  them  from  the  M aquas,  wch  they  are  in  dayley  feare  of  &  are 
at  present  Remoued  to  Mendon  but  intend  as  soon  as  they  get  some 
powder  &  shot  &  a  little  corn  they  intend  to  returne  to  their  fort  at 
Hassanameset.  If  yoe  please  to  order  ym  to  receue  6lb  of  powder  &  shott 
equivalent  it  may  suffice.     So  wth  my  humble  seruice  prsented 

I  Remaine 
yor  serv* 

Daniel  Gookin 

The  summer  of  1686  found  Daniel  still  able  to  take  the 
long  horseback  ride  of  twenty  miles  or  so  to  Natick  to  look 
after  his  Indian  charges  and  to  hear  his  son  Daniel  preach  to 
them.  Sewall  records  attending  the  lecture  there  on  Septem- 
ber 1  and  says  he  "came  home  accompanied  by  Major  Gookin 
and  his  son  Sam.  till  the  way  parted." 

The  next  spring  Daniel  was  stricken  with  his  last  illness. 
By  March  18  the  end  was  near  at  hand.  Sewall  wrote  in  his 
diary:  "I  go  to  Charlestown  Lecture,  and  then  with  Capt. 
Hutchinson  to  see  dying  Major  Gookin.  He  speaks  to  us." 
And  then  on  the  next  day:  "March  19  1686/7,  Satterday, 
about  5  or  6  in  the  morn,  Major  Daniel  Gookin  dies,  a  right 
good  Man." 

His  last  days  were  saddened  by  the  tribulations  that  had 
befallen  the  colony  with  the  loss  of  the  charter.  Though  the 
greater  power  lay  with  the  other  side  in  the  long  controversy, 
yet  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  having  done  all  that  was  possible 
for  any  one  to  do  to  avert  the  catastrophe,  and  his  conscience 
was  clear. 


ELIOT'S  LETTER  TO  BOYLE  185 

The  funeral  was  held  on  Tuesday,  March  22,  when  his 
remains  were  placed  in  the  burying  ground  of  the  First 
Church,  opposite  the  gate  to  Harvard  College.  The  grave  is 
marked  by  a  brick  monument  covered  with  a  flat  slab  of 
brown  sandstone  bearing  the  inscription: 

Here  lyeth  intered 

ye  body  of  Major  Genel 

DANIEL  GOOKINS  aged 

75  yeares,  who 

departed  this  life 

y8  19  of  March 

1686/7 

For  one  in  his  station  in  life  Daniel  Gookin  was  possessed 
of  small  means,  yet  he  was  never  so  poor  that  he  could  not  live 
as  became  a  gentleman,  though  simply  and  frugally  as  did 
most  of  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded.  In  his  later  years 
his  estate  was  considerably  diminished.  The  income  derived 
from  his  public  employments  was  inadequate,  and  he  had  lit- 
tle time  to  augment  it  otherwise.  Gradually  the  lands  granted 
him  by  the  General  Court,  as  well  as  those  in  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  had  to  be  sold.  Still  he  was  far  from  being  so  near 
to  poverty  as  has  been  assumed  from  the  language  used  by 
John  Eliot  in  a  letter  to  Robert  Boyle,  written  more  than  a 
year  after  Daniel's  death. 

JOHN    ELIOT   TO    ROBERT   BOYLE1 

Roxbury,  July  7,  1688. 
Right  honourable,  deep  learned,  abundantly  charitable,  and  constant  nurs- 
ing father, 
Sir, 
I  am  drawing  home,  and  am  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  take  my  leave 
of  your  honour  with  all  thankfulness.     Sir,  many  years  since  you  pleased 
to  commit  30/.  into  my  hand,  upon  a  design  for  the  promoting  Christ  his 
kingdom  among  the  Indians;  which  gift  of  yours  I  have  religiously  kept, 
waiting  an  opportunity  so  to  improve  it;  but  God  hath  not  pleased  yet 

Printed  in  Birch's  Life  of  Boyle,  p.  448,  also  in  Suffolk  Co.  Probate,  ii,  75. 


186  GENERAL  GOOKIN'S  WILL 

to  open  such  a  door.  I  am  old,  and  desire  to  finish  that  matter,  and  take 
the  boldness  to  request  your  honour,  that  it  may  be  thus  disposed  of.  It 
being  in  the  hand  of  major  Gookin's  relict  widow,  and  he  died  poor,  though 
full  of  good  works,  and  greatly  beneficent  to  the  Indians,  and  bewailed  by 
them  to  this  day;  therefore  let  his  widow  have  io/.  his  eldest  son,  who 
holds  up  a  lecture  among  the  Indians  and  English  io/.  and  the  third  io/. 
give  it  to  Mr.  John  Cotton,  who  helped  me  much  in  the  second  edition 
of  the  bible.  .  .  . 

It  would  appear  that  the  gift  solicited  by  Eliot  was  asked 
more  in  recognition  of  Daniel's  services  than  because  of  the 
urgency  of  Mrs.  Gookin's  need.  Daniel's  will  shows  that  he 
left  her  sufficiently  provided  for,  and  that  his  estate,  despite  its 
smallness,  was  not  much  below  the  average  size  of  gentlemen's 
estates  in  New  England  at  that  period.  The  will  is  of  interest 
also  for  the  full  and  clear  confession  which  it  gives  of  the 
essentials  of  the  faith  of  that  time. 

"The  will  &  Testament  of  Daniell  Gookin,  Senior,  Liveing  at  Cam- 
bridg  in  New  England,  made  &  don  this  13  th  day  of  Aug*  1685,  Being 
threw  the  grace  of  God  at  ye  present  writing  hereof,  of  a  perfect  under- 
standing &  of  a  sound  minde,  altho.  under  sum  bodily  Infirmitye  at  present, 
&  Considering  allso  that  I  am  through  God's  favour  arived  to  neare  sev- 
enty three  years  of  aige,  &  Expecting  Dayly  when  my  Chang  will  come,  I 
think  it  my  Dutye  Incombent  upon  me,  To  Set  my  house  in  order  &  to 
Dispose  of  that  small  Estate  (mutch  more  than  I  deserve)  which  God  hath 
committed  to  my  stuardship,  for  the  prevencion  of  any  Difference  among 
my  Relations  after  my  decease. 

In  the  first  place,  I  commit  my  Imortall  soule,  and  the  concernes 
thereof  into  the  everlasting  armes  of  the  Infinite  &  Eternall  God,  the 
father,  the  son,  &  the  holy  goust,  three  persons,  yet  but  one  Essence,  the 
only  liveing  &  the  trew  God;  I  Rely  only  upon  the  free  grace  of  God  for 
my  Eternal  salvation,  through  the  merritts,  satisfaction  and  Rightiousness 
of  Jesus  Christ,  the  only  begotten  sonn  of  the  father  full  of  grace  and 
truth,  being  also  Equal  wth  the  father  and  holy  spirrit,  one  god,  blessed  for 
ever,  who  for  us  men,  and  our  salvation,  in  fulness  of  tyme,  came  from 
heaven,  &  took  upon  him  the  nature  of  man,  being  born  of  the  blessed 
Virgin  Mary,  was  Conceived  by  ye  holy  Ghoust,  and  he  is  god-man  in 
one  person,  and  is  the  greate  Mediator  between  god  &  man,  &  ever  lives 
at  the  Right  hand  of  God,  in  the  Eternall  heavens,  makeing  Continual 
Intercession  for  all  the  Elect,  for  whom  he  shed  his  precious  blood  to 
Redeem  them  from  sin  &:  ye  wrath  of  god,  wch  work  of  Redemption, 
performed  fully  by  him  is  Accepted  by  god,  and  I  believe  that  his  Right- 
iousness, satisfaction,  and  merritts  Imputed  to  me  by  faith,  &  my  sinns 


r*  -r>-:.  1 


Tomb  of  Daniel  Gookin,  at  Cambridge,  Massachusetts. 


GENERAL  GOOKIN'S  WILL  187 

and  transgressions,  being  of  god's  free  grace  Imputed  to  him,  I  have  good 
hope,  through  grace,  that  I  am  justified  and  adopted,  &  my  sinns  par- 
doned, and  in  some  measure  begun  to  be  sanctified  by  the  holy  goust,  & 
that  after  my  Death  &  Resorection,  be  perfectly  glorified  in  the  full 
Injoyment  of  God  to  all  Eternity,  for  my  body  woh  though  naturally 
fraile  and  Corrupt,  yet  through  Grace,  is  made  a  temple  of  the  holy 
goust,  and  therefore  my  will  is  that  it  may  be  Deacently  Interred  in  the 
Earth  in  Cambridge  burying  place  neare  the  dust  of  my  wife,  but  I  desire 
noe  ostentation  or  much  cost,  to  be  expended  at  my  funerall  because  it  is 
a  tyme  of  greate  tribulacon1  &  my  Estate  but  little  &  weake. 

Secondly,  touching  my  outward  Estate  I  dispose  of  it  as  follows. 
To  my  Dearely  beloved  wife  Hannah,  I  give  &  bequeath  to  her  all  that 
Estate  reall  and  personal  that  she  was  possessed  of  before  her  marriage  wth 
mee.  Also  1  give  unto  her  for  terme  of  her  life  my  Dwelling  house, 
barne  and  out  houses,  orchard  &  gardens  appertaining  to  it,  &  the  use  of 
three  commons  belonging  to  it  for  wood  and  pasturage  (my  house  lyes 
adjoining  to  the  back  lane  in  Cambridge)  to  have  &  to  hold  ye  premises 
for  her  use  &  benefit  dureing  her  Naturall  Life,  provided  she  Endeavor 
to  keepe  both  houses  &  fences  in  Repair.  Again  I  give  unto  my  wife 
one  Cow  or  the  red  heifer  wth  a  white  face.  Also  I  give  her  one  brown 
ambling  mare.  I  give  to  her  my  second  bible,  also  I  give  &  bequeath  to 
her  for  ever  a  peece  of  plate  either  a  Cupp  or  Tankard  to  be  made  new 
for  her  marked  nn-  Also  I  give  her  the  use  of  a  feather  bed  &  furniture 
dureing  her  life,  but  after  her  Death  to  be  delivered  as  hereafter  shall  bee 
expressed.  Moreover  I  give  her  the  use  of  all  the  tables,  cupboards,  chairs 
&  stoles  or  other  necessary  household  stuff  that  she  desires  for  her  use 
while  she  abides  in  the  house,  to  the  vallue  of  tenn  pounds. 

To  my  sonn  Daniel  Gookin  I  give  my  silver  Tankard,  my  bigest 
Carbine  wch  he  hath  Received  already,  my  best  bed  &  bolster,  blew  Rugg 
and  two  blanketts  &  the  blew  curtaines  &  vallines  belonging  to  it,  wth  the 
straw  bed  under  it.  Also  to  him  I  give  my  Death's  head  Ring  of  gold 
wch  I  ware  on  my  finger,  and  halfe  my  wareing  apparell  of  all  sorts  wth 
my  best  hatt,  all  to  be  delivered  to  him  or  in  case  of  his  death  before  mee, 
to  his  wife  &  sonn  Daniell  three  monthes  after  my  Death.  Also  I  give 
to  him  my  Curtelax2  &  a  silver  spoone  to  his  sonn  Daniell. 

Unto  my  sonn  Samuell  &  his  children  for  ever  I  give  &  bequeath  the 
Dwelling  house,  barne,  outhouses  and  yard,  gardens  &  orchards  where  he 
now  Dwelleth  &  all  to  it  belonging  wth  two  Commons,  and  although  I 
changed  this  house  &c  wth  him  for  that  wch  I  now  Live  in  unto  wch  house 
he  built  addition  &  barne  yet  forasmuch  as  he   never  had  from  me  any 

1When  this  was  written  judgment  had  been  entered  against  the  Charter,  by 
legal  process,  the  Freemen  having  on  January  23,  1684,  voted  nemine  contradicente, 
not  to  accede  to  the  demand  of  its  "full  submission  and  entire  resignation"  to 
Charles  II.  And  to  make  matters  worse,  Charles  had  died  in  February,  1685,  and 
had  been  succeeded  by  a  papist. 

2  A  broad,  curved  sword,  used  by  cavalrymen. 


1 88  GENERAL  GOOKIN'S  WILL 

assurance  or  convayance  thereof  so  had  no  Legall  Right  to  that  house 
therefore  I  thought  it  Expedient  to  bequeath  this  to  him  in  my  will  that 
he  may  have  as  full  &  Legall  assurance  thereof  as  if  I  had  given  him  a 
deed,  and  I  order  y*  all  ye  writeings,  and  Deeds  y*  I  had  of  Mr  Collins  for 
ye  said  house  Sz  Land  be  Delivered  my  sonn  Samuell.  Moreover  I  give 
unto  my  sonn  Samuell  my  Rapier  and  my  buff  belt  wth  silver  buckles,  my 
pistols  and  holsters,  my  fowling  peece,  and  one  silver  wine  cupp  and  the 
other  halfe  of  my  apparell,  &  to  his  three  children  each  of  them  a  silver 
spoon. 

Unto  my  sonn  Nathaniell  Gookin  my  house  where  I  live,  wth  yc  barns 
and  outhouses  thereunto  belonging  wth  all  ye  orchard  &  gardens  appertain- 
ing, wth  three  cow  commons  and  what  belongs  to  them.  I  give  &  bequeath 
to  my  son  Nathaniel  &  his  Heires  forever  to  be  possessed  &  enjoyed  by 
him  after  my  wife's  decease,  unto  whom  I  have  given  the  premises  dureing 
Life  as  is  above  expressed,  but  in  case  my  son  Nath :  should  dye  wthout 
children  and  before  his  present  wife  Hannah,  then  my  will  is  that  the  said 
houses  and  appurtenances  be  for  her  use  Dureing  her  Life,  and  after  her 
decease  to  be  for  him  or  them  unto  whome  my  son  Nath11  shall  dispose 
of  them  provided  it  be  to  some  of  his  Relations  by  blood.  Also  I  give 
and  bequeath  to  my  said  Sonn  Nath11  my  silver  cupp  called  ye  French 
cupp,  and  ye  biggest  of  ye  two  other  silver  cupps,  and  a  silver  wine  cupp. 
I  mention  no  bed  and  furniture  here  because  I  gave  him  that  at  his 
marriage.  Also  I  give  him  my  blew  couch  unless  sonn  Daniel  Desire  it, 
being  sutable  to  his  bed,  but  if  Daniel  have  it,  he  must  allow  Nath  the  full 
vallue  of  it.  Also  to  my  sonn  Nath11  I  give  my  smallest  carbine  and  a 
gold  ring  wch  I  weare  on  my  finger,  and  to  him  I  give  a  flock  bedstead  & 
appurtenances,  Sz  a  brass  candlestick  wth  2  lights  to  bee  taken  in  peeces. 

Unto  my  Daughter  Batter  I  give  a  silver  salt  seller  &  another  silver 
cupp  the  lesser  of  the  two,  the  bigest  beeing  already  given  to  her  brother 
Nath1.  Also  I  give  her  after  my  wife's  death,  or  to  her  children  to  whom 
she  shall  give  it,  a  feather  bed,  bolster  &  furniture  disposed  to  my  wife  for 
life. 

Also  I  give  to  Daughter  Elizabeth  one  gold  ring  of  ten  shillings  vallue, 
and  to  each  of  her  children  a  silver  spoon.  I  mention  no  more  plate  bed- 
ding or  other  things  because  1  gave  her  such  things  at  her  first  marriage 
and  besides  have  not  been  wanting  to  her  haveing  helped  to  breed  up  her 
son  John  Elliot  for  ij  yeares  at  my  house  Sz  ye  Colledge. 

I  give  to  mr  Hezekiah  Usher  and  his  wife,  my  good  ffriends,  to  each 
a  gold  ring  of  ten  shillings  price. 

I  give  to  son  Quincy  a  gold  ring  of  ten  shillings  vallue. 

All  the  rest  of  my  Estate,  Reall  Sz  personall  after  just  debts  Sz 
funerall  expences  are  paid  are  to  be  equally  divided  into  six  parts,  two 
parts  whereof  I  give  to  my  Eldest  sonn  Daniell  &c  his  children  provided 
y1  what  he  received  already  at  his  marriage,  viz,  a  feather  bed  Sz  furniture, 
a  copper  kittle,  a  greate  brass  pott,  a  good  Cow,  nine  sheep  Sz  some  Linen 


GENERAL  GOOKIN'S  WILL  189 

Si  other  things  woh  I  vallue  at  ten  pounds  be  Receaved  as  a  part  of  his 
double  portion  besides  y°  particular  Legacies  above.  Unto  my  sonn 
Sam11  Gookin  5c  his  wife  &  children  I  give  one  sixth  part,  only  he  must 
recon  to  have  Received  in  his  house  and  land,  a  bed,  Rug  &  some  other 
things,  about  twenty  pounds  in  part  of  his  portion  besides  ye  Legacies 
above.  Unto  my  son  Nathaniell  Gookin  I  give  one  sixth  part  accompt- 
ing  he  hath  already  received  a  bed  &  furniture  some  Linen  a  jack  and 
Dishes,  besides  his  Legacies  above  about  five  pounds.  Unto  my  Daugh- 
ter Batter,  or  in  case  of  her  Death  to  her  children  equally  to  be  divided  I 
give  one  sixth  part.  Unto  John  Elliott  my  Grandchild  I  give  one  sixth 
part :  the  Reason  of  this  bequest  and  not  to  my  other  Grandchildren  is 
wth  Respect  to  a  benefit  received  from  his  Grandfather  Elliott  wch  he 
ordered  me  to  give  to  John  of  a  greater  value  than  this  sixth  part. 

Lastly  I  do  hereby  appoint  and  ordain  my  Deare  wife  Hannah  and  my 
three  sonns  Daniell,  Sam11  &  Nath1  my  Executo"  unto  this  my  will  &  tes- 
tament. In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seale  the 
day  and  yeare  above  written. 

A  Cottishall. 

Postscript.  Whereas  I  have  given  severall  particular  peeces  of  silver 
plate  to  my  Children  as  is  above  Expressed  according  to  ye  Desire  of  yr 
mother  Deceased,  but  forasmuch  as  1  have  necessary  occasion  to  borrow 
of  my  sonn  Dan"  Gookin  the  sum  of  twenty  five  pounds  in  money  for 
wch  I  ingadged  by  a  note  under  my  hand,  most  of  my  plate  for  his  Secur- 
ity, but  since  haveing  paid  him  fifteen  pounds  of  that  debt  and  there  remains 
only  tenn  pounds  due  to  him  woh  I  order  my  Executo™  to  pay  him  in 
money,  otherwaise  each  one  of  the  Legatees  of  the  plate  whereof  himselfe 
is  one,  to  pay  their  proportion  of  that  ten  pounds  according  to  the  vallue 
of  ye  plate  given  them.  Moreover  my  will  is  that  my  Deare  wife  Remain 
possessed  of  the  silver  cupp  called  the  ffrench  cupp  given  in  this  will  to 
sonn  Nath.  untill  the  Executors  get  her  a  silver  cupp  or  Tankard  made 
and  given  her  according  to  my  will  above  Expressed.  Item  I  give  to  my 
wife's  sonn  Thomas,  one  Gold  Ring  of  ten  shillings  price  &  to  Daughter 
Hannah  Gookin  and  to  Daughter  Mary  Savage  my  wife's  two  Daughters, 
I  give  to  Each  of  them  a  Gold  Ring,  vallue  tenn  shillings  Each  Ring. 

Signed  sealed  &  Delivered  in  presence  of  us,  Sam11  Andrew  Senr, 
Joseph  Cooke 

Daniel  Gookin  Senr 

In  my  accompt  book  Intitled  Ledger  N°  1650  ffoll.  1 12  is  Expressed 
an  accompt  of  my  whole  Estate  Dr  &  Cr  according  as  I  could  Rove  at  it 
besides  the  particular  Legacies  given  to  my  Dear  wife  and  children  in 
kind. 

How  long  Daniel  Gookin  occupied  the  house  on  Holyoke 
street,  where  he  lived  during  the  earlier  years  of  his  residence 


i9o  THE  CAMBRIDGE  HOMESTEAD 

in  Cambridge,  can  only  be  conjectured.  The  probability 
would  seem  to  be  that  the  house  which  was  afterward  his  home 
was  built  by  him  in  or  about  the  year  1671.  It  was  situated 
on  what  is  now  generally  known  in  Cambridge  as  the  "Win- 
throp  Estate,"  on  the  southerly  side  of  Arrow  street1  at  the 
easterly  angle  of  Bow  street.  The  grounds  extended  back  to 
the  Charles  River.  On  August  14,  1671,  Daniel  mortgaged 
the  dwelling,  styled  by  him  as  "my  mansion  house"  which, 
together  with  the  "barne,  yards,  orchard  and  gardens  adjoyn- 
ing  &  belonging  thereto,  by  estimation  two  acres  more  or  less, 
twenty  acres  of  land  on  the  south  side  of  Charles  River  and 
all  other  outlands,  commons  &  wood  lots  in  Cambridge,"  as 
security  for  a  loan  of  XIO°  sterling  obtained  from  Mary 
Sprague,  widow,  of  Charlestown.2  Not  unlikely  the  proceeds 
of  this  loan  and  the  sum  he  received  for  a  part  of  the  Shaw- 
shin  farm,  conveyed  to  Robert  Thompson  only  two  days 
later,3  were  used  to  pay  for  building  the  house.  Presumably 
it  was  a  somewhat  pretentious  structure  for  the  time  and  place. 
Together  with  the  outbuildings  and  gardens  it  was  appraised 
in  the  inventory  of  Daniel's  estate,  at  ^140.  The  language  of 
the  will  indicates  that  for  a  time  this  house  was  occupied  by 
his  son  Samuel.  In  all  probability  this  was  during  the  period 
between  the  death  of  his  first  wife  and  his  marriage  to  Mrs. 
Savage. 

The  entire  estate  was  inventoried  at  323/.  3^.  11^.  Included 
in  this  total  were  120  acres  of  land  at  Marlborough,  80/.,  236 
acres  at  Worcester,  10/.,  50  acres  near  Concord,  7/.,  and  "one 
Negro,  7/." 

Mrs.  Hannah  Gookin,  Daniel's  widow,  survived  him  little 
more  than  a  year.  She  died  October  29,  1688,4  and  two  days 
later  her  remains  were  laid  beside  those  of  her  husband  in 
Cambridge  burying  ground.  Sewall  tells  how  on  Oct.  31  he 
"went  to  the  Funeral  of  Mrs.  Gookin:     Bearers,  Mr.  Dan- 

1  Formerly  called  the  Back  Lane. 

2 This  loan  was  not  released  until  April  5,  1684.  It  was  then  held  by  the  estate 
of  John  Hull,  deceased. 

3  Middlesex  Deeds,  xxii,  3 16. 

4  This  is  the  date  given  upon  her  tombstone.  The  town  records  give  it  Octo- 
ber 28. 


MRS.  HANNAH  GOOKIN'S  FUNERAL  191 

forth,  Mr.  Russell,  Sewall  and  Hutchinson,  Eliakim,  Mr.  James 
Taylor  and  Mr.  Edw.  Bromfield.  Note.  The  Tide  was  over 
the  causey,1  and  Mrs.  Willard,  whom  Mr.  Pain  carried,  fell 
into  the  water,  so  that  she  was  fain  to  goe  to  Bed  presently  in 
stead  of  going  to  the  Grave,  the  Horse  verg'd  to  the  right  till 
fell  into  the  Ditch.  Mr.  Hutchinson's  Coach-Horses  also 
plung'd." 

'The  causeway  leading  to  Boston. 


CHAPTER  XXII 


LTRUISM  is  of  all  the  virtues  the  most  diffi- 
cult to  acquire  and  practice.  It  is  also  the  hardest 
for  the  selfish  multitude  to  fathom.  Theoretic- 
ally they  applaud:  actually  they  are  apt  to  look 
askance, — the  motive  being  beyond  their  ability 
to  appreciate.  The  brute  who  rides  rough  shod 
over  his  fellows,  rudely  trampling  them  under 
foot  in  the  pursuit  of  his  pleasure  or  ambition,  is  accorded  a 
more  prominent  place  in  the  temple  of  fame  than  the  philan- 
thropist whose  deeds,  though  less  conspicuous,  are  more  truly 
heroic.  Had  Daniel  Gookin's  talents  been  devoted  to  his 
own  advancement,  he  might  be  better  known  to  the  world  at 
large.  Instead  he  chose  the  nobler  part  and  his  reputation  is 
less  wide  than  deservedly  it  should  be. 

By  the  principal  men  among  his  contemporaries  in  the 
colony  he  was  held  in  the  highest  respect  and  esteem.  Rev. 
John  Eliot  addressed  him  as  "worshipful  and  honoured  Sir." 
To  Rev.  Thomas  Mayhew  he  was  "much  honoured  Captain 
Gookin,"  and  his  "worthy  friend."  Richard  Bourne  called 
him  "his  much  esteemed  friend."  These  were  not  merely  the 
current  forms  of  the  day;  they  went  beyond  the  requirements 
of  courtesy  and  indicate  the  personal  feeling  of  the  writers. 

The  truth  is,  that  in  whatever  aspect  the  life  and  character 
of  Daniel  Gookin  be  regarded,  he  stands  the  test  of  the  most 
rigid  scrutiny.  Close  study  only  serves  to  bring  the  inherent 
nobility  of  the  man  into  greater  relief.     His  mind  was  that  of 

192 


ESTIMATE  OF  CHARACTER  193 

a  statesman.  The  public  documents  prepared  by  him  attest 
his  sagacity  and  skill,  the  breadth  of  his  outlook,  and  his 
understanding  of  his  fellow  men.  In  all  that  he  said  and  did 
the  calm  certainty  of  his  judgement  is  a  salient  trait.  Yet, 
though  never  vacillating,  he  was  never  rash:  his  utterances 
have  the  air  of  one  open  to  conviction.  Logical  in  argument, 
he  was  singularly  dispassionate,  and  even  where  his  feelings 
were  most  deeply  engaged  it  was  not  his  way  to  suppress 
aught  that  might  make  for  an  opposing  view.  His  vindication 
of  the  Christian  Indians  is  far  from  being  a  one-sided  plea. 
Intent  upon  showing  how  pitiable  were  the  sufferings  of  his 
wards,  he  was  yet  more  intent  upon  telling  the  truth  without 
diminution  or  enlargement.  Because  the  shortcomings  of  the 
red  men  are  not  glossed  over,  the  pathetic  recital  becomes 
an  irresistible  argument.  And  through  it  the  personality  of 
the  author  shines  forth  in  the  clear  light  of  unconscious  self- 
revelation. 

This  careful  avoidance  of  overstatement  marks  all  of 
Daniel  Gookin's  writings.  His  "wilderness  style,"  as  he  called 
it,  is  in  marked  contrast  to  the  rambling  and  overloaded 
phraseology  of  his  day.  What  he  had  to  say  was  set  down  in 
a  simple  and  direct  manner.  His  concern  was  with  the  sub- 
stance of  his  remarks  rather  than  with  their  form.  Yet  he 
was  appreciative  of  the  graces  of  diction,  as  his  self-deprecatory 
phrases  bear  witness.  And  as  to  his  fondness  for  literature 
we  have  the  testimony  of  John  Dunton,  who  wrote:  "Those 
Bookish  Gentlemen  &  Ladies  who  contributed  so  much  to  my 
well  being  and  with  whom  I  spent  some  of  the  most  agree- 
able minutes  of  my  whole  life,  those  noble  friends  that  I  would 
here  characterize  are  Christopher  Usher  Esq.,  Major  Dudley, 
Major  Gookins,  and  others,"  in  America.1 

From  the  inflexible  firmness  with  which  Daniel  stood  for 
every  specific  right  of  the  colonists  he  has  been  called  "the 
originator  and  prophet  of  that  immortal  dogma  of  our  national 
greatness — no  taxation  without  representation."2  Though  the 
phrase  was  not  formulated  until  long  after  his  time,  and  the 

■John  Dunton's  Life  and  Errors,  p.  355. 
2  Moses  Coit  Tyler,  Hist.  Am.  Lit.,  i,  154. 


i94  HARSH  TREATMENT  OF  QUAKERS 

principle  was  "substantially  established"  in  English  constitu- 
tional history  as  long  ago  as  the  year  1297  by  the  declaration 
De  Tallagio  non  concedendo,  confirmed  in  1628  by  the  Petition 
of  Right,1  it  was  Daniel  Gookin  who,  by  his  cogent  arguments 
and  fearless  resistance  to  any  encroachment  upon  political  or 
commercial  liberty  did  more  than  any  other  to  crystallize  the 
spirit  of  opposition  that  in  later  years  found  expression  in  the 
well-known  words.  To  this  extent,  at  least,  he  may  not  inaptly 
be  credited  with  the  authorship  of  the  doctrine  that  is  the  cor- 
ner-stone of  democratic  government. 

To  say  that  Daniel  Gookin  had  his  faults  and  weaknesses 
is  only  to  assert  that  he  was  human.  Yet  so  far  were  they  out- 
weighed by  his  virtues,  that  in  the  perspective  of  more  than 
two  centuries  it  is  difficult  to  discern  them.  Bigoted  in  his 
religious  views  he  undoubtedly  was.  And  in  his  treatment  of 
the  Quakers  he  may  perhaps  have  justified  some  of  their  cen- 
sure. George  Bishop  paid  his  compliments  to  him  in  his  book 
entitled  "New  England  judged  by  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord." 
One  Elizabeth  Hooton  (or  Horton)  having  gone  through  the 
streets  of  Cambridge  "crying  Repentance  through  some  part 
of  that  town,  where  no  Friend  had  been  before  (as  she  heard  of) 
she  was  there  laid  hold  of  by  a  blood-thirsty  crew,  and  early  in 
the  morning  had  before  Thomas  Danfort  and  Daniel  Goggings 
(two  wicked  and  bloody  magistrates  of  yours,  of  whom  I  have 
elsewhere  spoken,  and  their  wickedness),  who  committed  her, 
and  whose  jaylor  thrust  her  into  a  noisome,  stinking  dungeon, 
where  there  was  nothing  to  lie  down  or  sit  on,  and  kept  there 
two  days  and  two  nights,  without  helping  her  to  bread  or  water; 
and  because  one  Benanuel  Bower  (a  tender  Friend)  brought  her 
a  little  milk  in  this  her  great  distress,  wherein  she  was  liked  to 
have  perished,  they  cast  him  into  prison  for  entertaining  a 
stranger,  and  fined  him  five  pounds.2  .  .  .  They  ordered  her 
to  be  sent  out  of  their  coasts  towards  Rhode  Island,  and  to  be 
whipped  at  three  towns,  ten  stripes  at  each  by  the  way."3 

'Hugh  Chisholm.     Article  on  "Representation"  in  Enc.  Brit,  nth  Ed. 
'New  England  judged,  etc.,  p.  414. 

8  Ibid. ,  p.  415.  According  to  Sewall  in  his  History  of  the  Quakers,  p.  327,  this 
took  place  in  1662. 


A  JUST  JUDGE  195 

Returning  to  Cambridge  she  was  again  imprisoned,  and  was 
whipped  there  and  at  two  other  towns,  as  before.  "This  was 
the  entertainment  they  received  at  Cambridge  (their  Univer- 
sity of  Wickedness),  and  from  Thomas  Danfort  and  Daniel 
Goggin,  magistrates,  who  (viz.  Goggin)  desired  his  brother 
Hathorne  to  send  some  Quakers  that  way,  that  he  might  see 
them  lashed,  as  is  mentioned  elsewhere  in  this  treatise."1 

The  extravagant  railing  of  this  fanatic  can  hardly  be  taken 
literally.  Still,  when  all  allowance  is  made,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  punishment  inflicted  was  barbarous.  But  we 
should  not  measure  it  by  the  standards  of  to-day.  Attempts 
to  subvert  the  religious  faith  of  the  people  were  then  regarded 
as  fully  justifying  the  cruel  punishment  fixed  by  the  law.  This 
law  it  was  Daniel  Gookin's  duty  to  enforce.  That  while  doing 
so  his  heart  may  have  bled  for  the  offender  is  a  reasonable 
inference  from  his  words  and  acts.  As  a  judge  he  was  just, 
uncompromising  and  even  inexorable;  yet  he  believed  in  tem- 
pering justice  with  mercy;  "'tis  not  my  work  to  judge  men's 
hearts,"  he  wrote;  "that  belongs  to  God."  In  his  relation  with 
Indians  and  English  alike,  he  let  it  be  seen  plainly  that  firm- 
ness and  kindness  were  not  incompatible.  An  instance  of  his 
tenderness  of  heart  is  revealed  by  his  effort  to  reclaim  his  for- 
mer slave  Silvanus  Warro  from  Captain  Jonathan  Wade. 

In  the  case  of  Gookin  vs.  Wade,2  "William  Park  aged  75 
years  Testifieth  that  when  Silvanus  Warro  was  in  Jaileat  Bos- 
ton under  the  County  Courts  sentence  to  be  sold  for  satisfac- 
tion of  sd  Court's  sentence  to  pay  twenty  pounds  to  mee  this 
deponent  and  for  maintenance  of  his  bastard  child,  sd  negro 
not  being  able  to  make  any  satisfaction,  I  did  advise  with  the 
Worsh11  Major  Gookin  what  to  Do  with  him,  who  Counselled 
me  to  send  him  to  Virginia,  and  told  me  he  would  provide  one 
that  would  carry  him  and  put  him  off  for  me,  but  afterwards 
Mr.  Wade  presenting  to  buy  him,  I  acquainted  ye  sd  Major 
Gookin  with  it  and  he  did  freely  consent  to  it  rather  than  he 
should  be  shipd  off,  and  too  my  best  remembrance  went  with 
me  to  the  Jaile  &  advised  sd  Negro  to  be  content  to  live  with 

1  New  England  judged,  p.  418. 

2  Middlesex  Court  files,  1682,  Dec. 


196  THE  CASE  OF  SILVANUS  WARROW 

Mr.  Wade  for  else  he  must  be  sold  out  of  ye  Country  to  satisfy 
the  Court's  sentence;  and  further  told  him  that  he  might  fall 
in  with  Mr.  Wade's  Negro  Wench  and  live  well,  upon  which 
advise  with  the  Court  order  I  this  deponent  made  sale  of  sd 
Negro  and  further  saith  not." 
19:   10:   1682 

Looking  toward  his  release,  the  negro  had  thus  bound 
himself: 

"These  prsents  witnesseth  that  I  Silvanus  Warro  negro,  in  love  & 
duty  to  my  master  Daniel  Gookin  Esq.  in  whose  house  I  was  borne,  Bred 
&:  educated.  5c  my  parents  Jacob  &  Maria  Warrow  l  were  his  servants  & 
vassals;  I  doe  herby  freely  and  voluntary  Covenant,  agree  6c  obleidge  my 
selfe,  faithfully  diligently  &  truly  to  serve  &  obey  him  the  said  Daniel! 
Gookin  ;  5z  his  children  as  he  shall  please  to  appoint  for  the  whole  term 
of  my  Natural  life,  hee  or  they  beeing  to  provide  mee,  meat  drinke,  lodging 
&:  apperel.  or  a  sertene  some  of  money  by  apris11  yearly  as  may  be  agreed, 
&  to  take  care  of  mee  in  sickness  5c  in  health  as  Christian  duty  requires. 
In  witness  hereof  I  the  said  Silvanus  Warrow  have  to  this  covenant  put 
my  hand  5c  seale  the  8th  day  of  November  1682." 

Major  General  Gookin,  in  his  plea,  closes  thus: 

"Neither  Deacon  Parker,  nor  Capt.  Wade  are  wronged  By  my 
endeavo"  to  recover  my  negro  out  of  this  Bondage  to  them  or  either  of 
them.  If  any  have  right  to  him  tis  myself  who  Bred  him  from  a  child  & 
his  parents  were  my  vassals  &  his  Brother  is  now  my  servant  5c  this 
poore  negro  now  in  his  old  age  is  willing  5c  desirous  to  end  his  days  in 
my  service  5c  my  childrens  as  covenant  shews;  although  now  he  be  old 
5c  soe  myne  cannot  expect  any  great  prfit  by  him,  yet  I  cannot  withdraw 
my  naturall  affection  to  him  &c  to  provide  for  him  while  he  lives  5c  so 
much  ye  rather  I  doe  this  Because  his  father  was  a  Godly  man  5c  this 
negro  died  in  my  service,  in  the  Glorious  Name  of  The  Father,  Son  Sz 
Holy  Ghost  named  upon  him  in  Baptisme. 

"I  leave  all  I  have  said  wth  the  Honored  Court  5c  jury  desiring  their 
tenderness  5c  Justice  in  this  case  5c  do  remaine 

Your  servant 

Daniel  Gookin 

Camb.  19th  of  December  1682. 

As  to  the  outward  appearance  of  "this  grand  old  American 
patriarch  and  sage,"  as  Daniel  has  been  aptly  called,2  a  little 

xThey  were  killed  by  Indians,  at  Daniel's  Maryland  plantation.  See  supra,  p.  76. 
2Moses  Coit  Tyler,  Hist.  Am.  Lit.,  i,  154. 


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CONTROVERSY  WITH  CALEB  GRANT        197 

may  perhaps  be  inferred  from  the  records  of  a  controversy  he 
had  with  one  Caleb  Grant.  The  following  warrant  is  preserved 
in  the  Middlesex  Court  riles: 

"To  the  Constable  of  Cambridge  or  his  Deputy. 

You  are  hereby  required  in  his  Majesty's  name  to  attach  the  goods  or 
in  want  thereof  the  person  of  Major  Daniel  Gookin  of  Cambridge  and 
take  bond  of  him  to  the  value  of  twenty  pounds  with  sufficient  surety  or 
sureties,  for  his  appearance  at  the  next  County  Court  holden  at  Charles- 
town  the  19th  day  of  December  next  then  and  there  to  answer  the  com- 
plaint of  Caleb  Grant  of  Watertown  in  an  action  of  defamation  for  charging 
him  for  stealing  of  his  horse  and  for  pulling  of  him  by  the  hair  and  neck- 
cloth and  punching  him  with  his  staff  and  all  this  in  the  King's  highway, 
and  shaking  his  staff  over  his  head  and  saying  "Sirrah,  get  you  out  of  the 
highway,"  and  coming  back  again  several  rods  to  the  said  Caleb  Grant 
with  many  threatening  words,  saying  "I  have  had  better  men  than  you  or 
your  father  to  wipe  my  shoes;"  and  for  all  due  damages. 

Hereof  you  are  to  make  a  true  return  under  your  hand. 

Dated  this  27th  of  November  1676 

By  the  Court 

Samuel  Green 

Endorsed:  "I  have  attached  the  person  of  Major  Danyell  Gookin  and 
taken  bond  of  him  to  answer  according  to  the  tenor  of  this  attachment. 

Andrew  Bordman,  Const. 
29:  9:  1676 

The  same  files  yield  a  record  of  the  testimony  at  the  hear- 
ing of  the  case  a  month  later: 

"John  Johnson  aged  about  39  years  doth  say  that  sometime  in  Novem- 
ber last  near  to  Mr.  Danforth's  house  he  saw  Major  Gookin  with  sundry 
others  among  whom  was  Caleb  Grant  and  some  of  his  brothers  and  at  a 
distance  I  saw  Major  Gookin  hold  up  his  staff  over  the  head  of  Caleb 
Grant  and  lay  his  hand  on  his  shoulder  but  saw  no  blow  given  nor  heard 
any  further. 

"Major  Gookin  doth  confess  this  testimony,  he  being  greatly  abused. 
19:  io:76T.D.R." 

The  verdict  of  the  jury  follows: 

"In  the  case  between  Caleb  Grant,  plaintive  and  Major  Gookin  defend- 
ant, wee  find  for  the  defendant  cost  of  Court." 

This  view  of  Daniel  standing  in  the  highway  seems  to 
imply  that  he  was  a  tall,  muscular  man,  and  despite  his  sixty- 


198  JUSTICE  SEWALL'S  DREAM 

four  years,  more  than  a  match  for  Caleb  Grant  and  his  broth- 
ers. One  more  word  picture  of  Daniel,  as  slight  and  intangible 
as  the  other,  is  given  by  Chief  Justice  Sewall  in  his  diary. 

Sabbath,  Dec.  30th  1688 

Last  night  I  dreamed  of  military  matters,  Arms  and  Captains,  and  of 
a  suddain,  Major  Gookin,  very  well  clad  from  head  to  foot,  and  of  a  very 
fresh,  lively  countenance — his  Coat  and  Breeches  of  blood-red  silk, 
beckened  me  out  of  the  room  where  I  was  to  speak  to  him.  I  think 
'twas  from  the  1  own-house." 

The  calls  of  duty  and  of  friendship  never  found  Daniel 
Gookin  wanting.  In  all  the  relations  of  life  he  was  ever  stead- 
fast, great-hearted,  scrupulously  upright,  high-minded  and  self- 
sacrificing.  He  was  indeed,  as  Chief  Justice  Sewall  said, "  a  right 
good  man." 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Addington,  Mr.,  178. 
Addison,  John,  67. 
Addison,  Thomas,  48,  61,  62. 
Andrew,  Samuel,  166,  189. 
Andros,  Sir  Edmond,  165. 
Angier,  Edmund,  80. 
Apuldrefield,  Agnes,  9. 
Ardearne,  Alice,  9. 
Ardearne,  Richard,  9. 

Armestronge ,  47 

Ashhurst,  Alice,  9. 
Atherton,  Humphrey,  128. 

Bate,  Thomas  of  Gill  Abbey,  54,  55. 

Beare,  Lieut.,  167. 

Batter,  Edmund,  179. 

Beede,  Thomas,  67. 

Belcher,  Andrew,  166. 

Belcher,  Elizabeth,  153. 

Belle wes,  the  two,  51. 

Bennett,  Richard,  signs  Nansemond  peti- 
tion, 67. 

Bennett,  Philip,  Commissioner  for  Upper 
Norfolk,  65  ;  carries  Nansemond  peti- 
tion to  Boston,  68. 

Bennett,  Robert,  65. 

Berk,  Mr.,  32. 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  Knt. ,  65,  66;  treat- 
ment of  Puritan  ministers  by,  68. 

Bernard,  Robert,  67. 

Bird,  see  Byrd. 

Birde,  Elizabeth,  20. 

Biscoe,  Thomas,  180. 

Bishop,  George,  194. 

Blacke,  Sybbell,  widow,  6,  9. 

Blank,  Roger,  62. 

Boardman,  Andrew,  197. 

Bond,  William,  169. 

Booth,  William,  55. 

Bourne,  Richard,  192. 

Bower,  Benanuel,  194. 

Bowes,  Cordelia,  24. 

Bowes,  Martin,  of  London,  24. 

Boyle,  Richard,  see  Cork. 

Boyle,  Robert,  letters  to,  119,  149,  165, 
185.  , 

Box,  Benjamin,  62. 

Box,  John,  62. 

Bradford,  William,  74. 

Bradstreet,  Simon,  74,  82,  172. 

Brewster,  William,  74. 


Brickhed,  Mr.,  32. 

Bright,  John,  67. 

Brocas,  Capt.  William,  65. 

Bromfield,  Edward,  191. 

Brooke,  Elizabeth,  67. 

Brown,  Thomas,  167. 

Brown,  William,  172. 

Browne,  Richard,  67. 

Browne,  Thomas,  62. 

Buckland,  John,  62. 

Bullock,  Hugh,  of  London,  56. 

Bullock,  William,  56. 

Bullock,  Elizabeth,  56. 

Bullock,  Robert,  56. 

Bullock,  Frances,  56. 

Burbage,  Capt.  Thomas,  65,  75. 

Burden,  Robert,  m. 

Burly machies,  Mr.,  51. 

Burden,  John,  62. 

Burdon,  Edward,  62. 

Burton,  Rev.  Richard,  25. 

Byrd,  Mary,  wife  of  Daniel  Gookin  of 
Carrigaline,  16,  20,  26  ;  in  London,  50  ; 
administratrix  of  her  husband's  estate, 
54;  facsimile  of  her  signature,  54  ;  death 

of,  57- 

Byrd,  Peter,  20. 

Byrd,  Rev.  Richard,  D.D.,  educated  at 
Cambridge,  16  ;  curate  at  Saffron  Wal- 
den,  16;  tutor  to  William  Cecil,  17; 
Sir  Edward  Stafford's  harsh  treatment 
of,  18;  letter  to  Lord  Burghley,  18-20; 
archdeacon  of  Cleveland,  20 ;  Canon 
of  Canterbury  Cathedral,  20 ;  death  of, 
20 ;  his  children,  20 ;  his  wife  Elizabeth 
Meye,  21. 

Byrd,  Thomas,  of  Saffron  Walden,  17. 

Carr,  Sir  Robert,  109,  no. 

Carr,  William,  77. 

Carrigaline,  castle  and  manor  of,  granted 
Sir  Warham  St.  Leger,  31 ;  sold  to 
Thomas  Petley,  3 1 ;  bought  from  Pet- 
ley  by  Daniel  Gookin,  31;  sold  to 
Lord  Cork,  33  ;  leased  to  Thomas 
Daunt,  51. 

Carsley,  Henry,  47. 

Cartwright,  George,  109. 

Cecil,  William,  Earl  of  Exeter,  tutored 
by  Richard  Byrd,  17;  becomes  Ro- 
man Catholic,  18. 


202 


INDEX 


Champney,  Richard,  80. 

Champney,  Samuel,  77. 

Chandler,  John,  63,  64. 

Chapman,  Phillip,  48,  62. 

Chauncey,  Charles,  74,  107,  113. 

Child,  George,  62. 

Child,  Major  John,  181. 

Chisman,  John,  48. 

Chosumphs,  John,  182. 

Christian  Indians,  see  Praying  Indians. 

Clarke,  Capt.  John,  45,  46. 

Clarke,  William,  47,  62. 

Clayton,  Sir  Randal,  33,  51,  52. 

Codne,  Mary,  67. 

Coe,  Thomas,  48. 

Cokyn  family,  3-4. 

Cokyn,  William,  3. 

Cole,  Peter,  93. 

Cole,  William,  63,  64. 

Colkin,  John,  4. 

Collacot,  Bethiah,  180. 

Collacot,  Richard,  180. 

Collacot,  Thomazin,  180. 

Collins,  Edward,  78,80,  81. 

Combe,  Christian,  9. 

Condon,  Jordan,  34,  54. 

Condon,  Richard,  34. 

Cooke,  Edward,  67. 

Cooke,  Capt.  George,  79. 

Cooke,  Joseph,  189. 

Cooney,  William,  62. 

Cooper,  see  Cowper. 

Copleston,  Adam  de,  of  Copleston,  Dev- 
on, 25  ;  arms  of,  25. 

Copleston, Thomas,  of  Luckcombe,  Som- 
erset, 25. 

Copleston,  Margaret,  25. 

Cork,  Richard  Boyle,  First  Earl  of,  32; 
clash  with  Daniel  Gookin,  32;  buys 
Carrigaline  from  and  leases  it  to  Daniel 
Gookin,  33  ;  perfects  title,  44  ;  buys  the 
lease,  50. 

Coslay,  Henry,  62. 

Cotton,  Rev.  John,  73,  74,  186. 

Cowper  (or  Cooper),  Robert,  6. 

Crew,  Randall,  65. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  81,  85,  86,  87,  92,  105, 
168,  169. 

Croney,  William,  47. 

Curtis,  Ephraim,  167. 

Curtis,  John,  48,  62. 

Curtis,  Thomas,  47,  62. 

Cutler,  Capt.,  158. 

Cutts,  Capt.  John,  76. 

Danforth,  Thomas,  friendship  with  Dan- 
iel  Gookin,  80 ;    with   Daniel  Gook- 


in upholds  charter  privileges,  108-110; 
signs  letter  to  Boyle,  122  ;  incurs  hos- 
tility of  common  people  by  defending 
Daniel  Gookin,  152;  his  life  threat- 
ened, 152,  153;  run  down  in  Boston 
harbor,  155;  result  of  1676  election, 
156;  assaulted  by  John  Jones,  160;  with 
Gookin  leads  in  controversy  with  the 
crown, 172, 177;  at  Mrs.  Hannah  Gook- 
in's  funeral,  190 ;  railed  at  by  George 
Bishop,  194. 

Danson,  George,  169. 

Darrell,  Philip,  54,  55. 

Daunt,  Thomas  of  Tracton  Abbey,  51. 

Davenport,  Rev.  John,  74,  108. 

Davis,  Margarett,  67. 

Davis,  Mr.,  104. 

Delaware,  Esay,  (Delywarr,  Isaye)47,  62. 

de  Cogan,  Milo,  31. 

de  Copleston,  see  Copleston. 

de  Earde,  Isabel,  9. 

de  Earde,  Robert,  9. 

Denne,  Amy,  7. 

Denne,Catherine,marriage  to  JohnGook- 
in,  7  ;  her  ancestry,  7-9  ;  death  of,  30. 

Denne,  Ellys  (Alice),  6. 

Denne,  Elyzabethe,  7. 

Denne,  pedigree,  7-9  ;  arms  of,  9. 

Denne,  William,  of  Kingston,  Kent,  7. 

Dennison,  Capt.  George,  III. 

de  Toketon,  see  Toketon. 

Dew,  Thomas,  65. 

Dolling,  Mary,  marriage  to  Daniel 
Gookin,  64;  in  list  of  persons  trans- 
ported to  Virginia  by  Daniel,  67  ;  ad- 
mitted First  Church,  Boston,  73  ;  dis- 
missed to  Cambridge,  79  ;  relieves  sick 
Indians,  159;  death  of,  179. 

Dryland,  arms  of,  25. 

Dryland,  Elizabeth,  25. 

Dudley,  Joseph,  156,  160,  172,  178,  181, 
183,  193. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  74. 

Dunster,  Henry,  74,  79. 

Dunton,  John,  193. 

Durrant,  Amy,  4,  5,  6. 

Durrant,  Elizabeth,  6. 

Durrant,  Jane,  4,  6. 

Durrant,  John,  of  Littlebourne,  5;  arms 
of,  5;  pedigree  of  descendants,  6. 

Durrant,  John,  of  Howlets,  4-6. 

Durrant,  Mildred,  6. 

Ebsworth,  Anne,  47. 
Ebsworth,  Anthonie,  47. 
Edgeworth,  Francis,  36,  44. 
Edgeworth,  Rev.  Lovel,  37. 


INDEX 


203 


Edgeworth,  Maria,  37. 

Edolph,  Jane,  10. 

Edolph,  Simon,  10. 

Eliakim,  Mr.,  191. 

Eliot,  Rev.  John,  friendship  with  Daniel 
Gookin,  73  ;  in  Indian  work  assisted 
by  Gookin,  83,  126;  studies  Indian 
Language,  127;  preaches  to  Indians, 
127  ;  on  his  petition  Gookin  appointed 
Superintendent  of  Praying  Indians, 
129;  weary  journeys,  130 ;  letter  to 
Commissioners  of  the  Colonies,  13 1; 
journey  to  Nipmuck  country  with 
Gookin,  132-136;  aspersions  by  popu- 
lace during  Philip's  war,  144-155  ;  vis- 
its Nashobah  Indians,  150 ;  run  down 
in  Boston  Harbor,  155;  records  removal 
of  Indians  from  Deer  Island,  158;  re- 
sumes missionary  work,  159;  letters  to 
Boyle,  Robert,  149,  165,  185  ;  his  re- 
spect for  Daniel  Gookin,  192. 

Eliot,  Rev.  John,  Jr.,  179. 

Eliot,  John  3d,  179,  181,  188,  189. 

Elgar,  Richard,  6. 

Ellis,  William,  62. 

Klsworth,  Ann,  62. 

Elsworth,  Christ,  62. 

Endicott,  John,  100,  III. 

Fauntleroy,  arms  of,  25. 
Fauntleroy,  John,  25. 
Fauntleroy,  Margaret,  25. 
Fenton,  Lady  Alice,  34,  35. 
Ferrar,  John,  39,  46. 

Field,  Thomas,  62. 

Fisher,  Lieut.  Joshua,  166. 

Fiske,  David,  77. 

Fiske,  John,  70. 

Fitz  Edmond,  David  Terry,  33. 

Floyd,  Richard,  83. 

Foockes,  William,  47. 

Foster,  Hopestill,  109. 

French,  William,  83. 

Frost,  Edmund,  80. 

Garner,  John,  62. 

Garret,  James,  master  of  the  Hopewell, 

101,  104;  lost  at  sea,  105. 
Gedney,  Bartholomew,  125,  178. 
Gibbons,  Major,  137. 
Godby,  Joane,  48. 
Goflfe,  Edward,  80. 
GofFe,  Col.  Edward,  106,  107,  no. 
Goffe,  Samuel,  182. 
Gookin,  Amy,  dau.  of  Thomas,  6. 
Gookin,  Amy,  dau.  of  John,  12. 


Gookin,  Anne,  12. 

Gookin,  arms  of,  12-14. 

Gookin,  Arnold,  3,  4. 

Gookin,  Charles  B.,  183. 

Gookin,  Cicely,  7. 

Gookin,  Daniel,  son  of  John,  12. 

Gookin,  Daniel,  of  Carrigaline,  birth,  12 ; 
marriage,  16  ;  removal  to  Munster,  30 ; 
buys  Carrigaline,  31;  clash  with  Lord 
Cork,  32  ;  sells  Carrigaline  to  Cork  and 
takes  lease,  33  ;  the  Longford  planta- 
tion, 35;  sells  to  Francis  Edgeworth, 
36 ;  contract  with  Virginia  Company, 
38;  sails  for  Virginia,  40 ;  refuses  to 
obey  concentration  order,  42;  returns 
to  England,  43;  his  income  from  Car- 
rigaline, 45;  sends  The  Providence  to 
Virginia,45;  servantsatMarie'sMount, 
47  ;  sells  lease  of  Carrigaline,  50;  ob- 
tains grant  of  St.  Brandan's  Isle,  52; 
decease,  54 ;  dealings  with  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges,  117. 

Gookin,  Major  General  Daniel,  descent, 
3;  seal  used  by,  14;  birth,  61 ;  grant  of 
Virginia  lands  to,  62  ;  lists  of  colonists 
transported  to  Virginia  by,  62,  67;  mar- 
riage to  Mary  Dolling,  64;  in  Virginia, 
64-66;  another  grant,  66;  signs  Nanse- 
mond  petition,  67;  acquires  Maryland 
plantation,  70  ;  removes  to  Massachu- 
setts, 71 ;  friendship  with  John  Eliot, 
73;  removal  to  Cambridge,  78 ;  captain 
of  trained  band,  79;  deputy  to  General 
Court,  81;  visits  England,  81 ;  Speaker 
of  General  Court,  82;  Assistant,  82,  85; 
appointed  Cromwell's  agent  to  colon- 
ize Jamaica,  87-91 ;  letters  to  Thurloe, 
93-102;  sails  for  England,  104;  Collec- 
tor of  Customs  at  Dunkirk,  105;  Depu- 
ty Treasurer  at  War,  106 ;  return  to 
New  England,  106;  pretended  effort  to 
apprehend  regicides,  108  ;  opposes  en- 
croachments on  chartered  rights,  109 ; 
refuses  to  answer  Commissioners,  no; 
his  many  activities,  114;  declines  to  act 
as  licenser  of  the  press,  115  ;  conducts 
negotiations  for  purchase  of  Maine, 
117-125  ;  in  charge  of  Praying  Indians 
128;  journey  to  Nipmuck  country, 
132-136;  letter  to  Governor  Prince,  1 38; 
rage  of  populace  against  him  during 
Philip's  War,  145-155  ;  his  life  threat- 
ened, 152;  run  down  in  Boston  har- 
bor, 155;  appointed  Major,  156;  re- 
sumes Indian  work,  159;  re-elected 
Assistant,  160 ;  his  books  about  the 
Indians,  161 ;  his  History  of  New  Eng- 


204 


INDEX 


land,  162-165  ;  founds  town  of  Wor- 
cester, 166-170 ;  leads  in  controversy 
with  the  crown,  172;  appointed  Major 
General,  177;  death  of  his  wife,  179; 
his  children,  179  ;  marriage  to  Hannah 
Savage,  181  ;  last  illness  and  death,  184; 
his  will,  186-189  ;  his  homestead,  189; 
estimate  of  his  character,  193  ;  treat- 
ment of  the  Quakers,  194 ;  the  case 
of  Silvanus  Warrow,  195  ;  controversy 
with  Caleb  Grant,  197;  Justice  Sewall's 
dream,  198. 
Gookin,  Daniel,  second  son  of  General 

Gookin,  180. 
Gookin,  Rev.  Daniel,  of  Sherborn,  third 
son  of  General  Gookin,  birth  of,  81 ; 
biographical  sketch  of,  180;  preaches  to 
the  Indians,  184;  bequests  in    his  fa- 
ther's will,  187-189. 
Gookin,  Daniel,  son  of  Daniel  of  Sher- 
born, 187. 
Gookin,  Daniel,  of  Worcester,  170. 
Gookin,  Edward,  29,  54,  56,  85,  105,  106. 
Gookin,  Elizabeth,  dau.  of  Thomas,  6. 
Gookin,  Elizabeth,  dau.  of  John,  12. 
Gookin,     Elizabeth,    dau.     of    General 

Gookin,  79,  179,  180,  188. 
Gookin,  Hannah,  180. 
Gookin,  Jhoane,  7. 

Gookin,  John,  of  Ripple  Court,  parent- 
age, 6 ;  marries  Catherine  Denne,  7 ; 
removes  to  Appleton,  Kent,  10 ;  pur- 
chases Little  Betteshanger,  10 ;  sub- 
scribes to  Spanish  Armada  defense 
loan,  1 1  ;  purchases  Manor  of  Ripple 
Court,  ii;  children,  12;  arms  of 
12;  removal  to  Ireland,  30 ;  living  at 
Carrigaline,  33  ;  death  of,  49. 
Gookin,  John,  of  Northbourne  Kent,  12, 

15,81. 
Gookin,  John,   grandson  of  John,  sells 
Ripple  Court,  11  ;  dovecote  at  Ripple 
Court,  built  by,  12 ;  royalist  and  resi- 
ding in  France,  81. 
Gookin,   Capt.  John,  granted   lands   in 
Virginia,  57;  marriage  to  Mrs.  Sarah 
(Offley)   Thorowgood,  57;    decease, 
57;  inscription  on  tombstone,  58;  joins 
in  conveyance  of  Marie's  Mount,  63  ; 
complains  of  Indian  outrages,  66. 
Gookin,  John,  of  St.   Dunstan's   in  the 

East,  56. 
Gookin,  Katherine,  12. 
Gookin,    Margaret,  10,  12. 
Gookin,  Mary,  dau.  of  John,  10,  12. 
Gookin,  Mary,  56. 
Gookin, Mary,  dau.  of  Capt.  John,  57. 


Gookin,  Mary,  dau.  of  General  Gookin, 

79  ;  Marriage  to  Edmund  Batter,  179  ; 

bequest  in  her  father's  will,  188,  189. 
Gookin,  Mary,  wife  of  General  Gookin, 

see  Dolling. 
Gookin,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  181,  188,  189. 
Gookin,  Richard,  of  Cork,  29,  54,  56. 
Gookin,  Richard,  of  Dedham,  165. 
Gookin,  Capt.  Robert,  81,  168. 
Gookin,  Samuel,  of  London,  81,  168. 
Gookin,  Samuel,  eldest  son  of  General 

Gookin,  67,  71,  179. 
Gookin,  Samuel,  fourth  son  of  General 

Gookin,  83,  167,  180,  182,  187-189. 
Gookin,  Solomon,  85,  180. 
Gookin, Thomas,  of  Bekesbourne,  4,  5, 6, 
Gookin,  Thomas,  of  Ripple  Court,  3,  12, 

13,. IS,  49- 

Gookin,  Thomas,  of  Harbledown,  10, 
13,81. 

Gookin,  Thomazin,  6. 

Gookin,  variant  spellings,  4-5. 

Gookin,  Sir  Vincent,birthof,  12;  settles  in 
Ireland,  29;  executor  of  his  father's 
will,  49;  high  sheriff  of  Cork,  52; 
knighted  by  Lord  Cork,  52;  trustee  for 
children  of  his  brother  Daniel,  55;  liv- 
ing at  Bitton  in  Gloucestershire,  57. 

Gookin,  Vincent,  appointed  Commission- 
er of  the  Revenue  for  Ireland,  81 ; 
member  first  Protectorate  Parliament, 
86;  author  of  "The  Great  Case  of 
Transplantation  in  Ireland  discussed," 
86;  acquaintance  with  Cromwell,  87; 
offices  to  which  he  was  appointed  by 
Cromwell,  168. 

Gorges,  Ferdinando,  117. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  51,  52,  117. 

Granger,  William,  62. 

Grant,  Caleb,  197,  198. 

Grant,  Thomas,  of  Eythorne,  12. 

Green,  Samuel,  197. 

Griffin,  Charles,  62. 

Griffin,  Rise,  47. 

Griffin,  Richard,  48. 

Grout,  F.,  183. 

Hammond,  Capt.,  158. 

Harris,  Elinor,  47 

Hastings,  John,  182 

Hastings,  Walter,  77. 

Haynes,  John,  74,  169. 

Heath,  Ferdinand,  67. 

Henchman,  Capt.  Daniel,  143,  150,  151, 

154,  167,  168. 
Hever,  John,  of  Cranbrooke,  Kent,  9. 
Hever,  Margaret,  9. 


INDEX 


205 


Higginson,  Capt.  Humphrey,  65. 
Hill,  John,  65. 
Hillier,  John,  62. 
Hinldey,  Gov.,  178. 
Hoar,  Joanna,  180. 
Hobart,  William,  43. 
Hooker,  Thomas,  74. 
Hooker,  William,  62. 
Hopkinson,  Daniel,  62. 
Horton,  Elizabeth,  194. 
Hough,  Francis,  65. 
Hull,  John,  67. 
Hunting,  Capt.  Samuel,  154. 
Hutchinson,  Capt,  144,  184. 
Hutchinson,  Mr.,  191. 
Hymerford,  Margaret,  26. 
Hymerford,  William,  25. 

Ibottson,  Elizabeth,  48. 
I  nee,  Mr.,  104 

Jackson,  Edward,  80,  81. 

Jackson,  John,  80. 

Jackson,  Richard,  80. 

James,  Rev.  Thomas,  68,  69. 

Jamaica,  conquest  by  Penn  and  Venables, 
86 ;  Cromwell  turns  to  New  England 
colonists,  87;  Daniel  Gookin  appointed 
his  agent,  87  ;  mortality  among  garri- 
■  son,  92,  99,  ioi;  fate  of  planters  from 
Nevis,  102;  condition  remedied  by 
Gov.  Brayne,  103. 

Jewell,  William,  62. 

Jewell,  see  Joule. 

Johnson,  Capt.  Edward,  79,  166. 

Johnson,  Cornelius,  41. 

Johnson,  John,  197. 

Johnson,  William,  125. 

Jones,  Hugh,  62. 

Jones,  Roger,  64. 

Jones,  John,  160. 

Joule  (or  Jewell),  Ingram,  12. 

Kattenanit,  Job,  150,  151,  152. 
Kemp,  Richard,  65. 
Kenley,  Charles,  62. 
Kittall,  Jane,  9. 
Knowles,  Rev.  John,  68,  69. 

Lanmore,  Marsoy,  67. 
Lawson,  Lieut.  Col.  Anthony,  57. 
Leader,  Richard,  82. 
Leverett,  John,  no,  119. 
Long,  Thomas,  6. 
Longe,  William,  47,  62. 
Longford  County,  plantation  of,  by  Eng- 
lish, 35  ;  grief  of  the  Irish  proprietors, 

36. 
Longhorne,  Thomas,  77. 


Lynd,  Capt.  Joseph,  169. 
Lynde,  Symon,  113. 

Manst,  Wal.,  62. 

Marie's  Mount  plantation,  named  after 
Mary  Gookin,  44 ;  Servants  at,  47 ; 
conveyance  of  part  of,  48,  61  ;  remain- 
der conveyed  to  John  Chandler,  63  ; 
resold  to  Benedict  Stafford,  64  ;  title 
escheated,  64 ;  granted  to  William 
Cole,  63,  64. 

Marfin,  Griffin,  62. 

Mason,  Ann,  56. 

Mason,  Ellinor,  56. 

Mason,  Mr.,  178. 

Mason,  Robert,  67. 

Mather,  Cotton,  doggerel  about  Gookin 
and  Tompson,  69,  70. 

Mather,  Richard,  74. 

Mathewes,  Marmaduke,  82. 

Maverick,  Samuel,  109. 

May,  John,  Bishop  of  Carlisle,  see  Meye. 

Mayhew,  Rev.  Thomas,  Jr.,  104,  128, 
192. 

Marsh,  John,  of  Marton,  Kent,  10. 

Marsh,  Richard,  10. 

Marsh,  Thomas,  10. 

Marsh,  Thomas,  Jr.,  12. 

Martin,  Richard,  20. 

Meye,  Anne,  wife  of  Rev.  Richard  Pil- 
kington,  25. 

Meye,  Arms  of,  21. 

Meye,  Elizabeth,  21,24,  2^- 

Meye,  Bishop  John,  birth  of,  21 ;  arms  of, 
21;  education  at  Cambridge,  21 ;  Mas- 
ter of  St.  Catherine's  Hall,  21 ;  Rector 
of  North  Creake,  21 ;  Vice  Chancellor 
of  Cambridge,  22  ;  Bishop  of  Carlisle, 
22;  criticised  by  the  Puritans,  23;  death 
of,  24;  children  of,  24-25. 

Meye,  John,  of  Shouldham  Abbey,  24. 

Meye,  William,  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  21. 

Miller,  Joseph,  151. 

Milton,  Thomas,  12,  49. 

Mitchell,  Rev.  Jonathan,  107,  115. 

Moqua,  John,  133. 

Morgan,  Edmond,  47. 

Morgan,  Edward,  62. 

Morgan,  John,  67. 

Morgan,  Phillips,  62. 

Moseley,  Capt.  Samuel,  147. 

Moseley,  Capt.  William,  57. 

Mosley,  Joseph,  47,  62. 

Nansemond  petition,  signed  by  Daniel 
Gookin  and  others,  67  ;  carried  to  Bos- 
ton by  Philip  Bennett,  68. 


206 


INDEX 


Nesutan,  Job,  127,  182. 

Newce,  Capt.  Sir  William,  39,  40,  55. 

Nichols,  Col.  Richard,  109,  no. 

Norman,  Austin,  62. 

Norman,  Henry,  62. 

Norman,  Peter,  62. 

Noyes,  Lieut.  Thomas,  166 

Norton,  Rev.  John,  74,  107. 

Offley,  Robert,  57. 

Offley, Sarah,  57,  58. 

Oliver,  Capt.  James,  147,  148,  149. 

Oliver,  Thomas,  159. 

Osborne,  Sir  Edward,  57. 

Pachanaharm,  John,  182. 

Page,  John,  64. 

Pain,  Mr.,  191. 

Paine,  William,  67. 

Park,  William,  195. 

Parker,  Deacon,  196. 

Parkman,  Elias,  76. 

Parks,  William,  109. 

Parratt,  John,  47. 

Pelham,  Mr.,  104. 

Pensint,  William,  62. 

Perkins,  James,  67. 

Perkins,  Thomas,  67. 

Petley,  John,  31. 

Petley,  Thomas,  31,45,  50. 

Petley,  William,  51. 

Pierce,  John,  104,  106,  no. 

Pilkington,  Rev.  Richard,  25. 

Pitt,  Mrs.  Francis,  of  Stepney,  56. 

Plaisted,  Roger,  113. 

Pratt,  Edward,  184. 

Pray,  Ephraim,  149. 

Pray,  Mary,  149. 

Praying  Indians,  Daniel  Gookin  Super- 
intendent of,  128;  colonists'  brutal 
treatment  of,  137;  warning  of  Philip's 
War  given  by,  141 ;  rage  of  the  people 
against,  144;  confined  to  their  villages, 
144;  removed  to  Deer  Island,  149; 
company  of,  under  Capt.  Hunting,  re- 
lieves Sudbury,  154;  removed  from 
Deer  Island,  158. 

Prentice,  Thomas,  III,  113,  143,  158, 
167,  169. 

Price,  Henry,  62. 

Prichard,  Capt.,  81. 

Power,  David,  34,  54. 

Power,  William,  35,  55. 

Pynchon,  John,  74,  122,  178. 

Quannapohitt,  James,  151. 
Quincy,  Col.  Edmund,  180,  188. 
Quincy,  Elizabeth,  180. 


Randall,  Daniel  R.,  70. 

Randolph,  Edward,  123,  171,  177,  178. 

Remington,  Martha,  153. 

Richards,  Major,  178. 

Richards,  William,  62. 

Richison,  Amos,  113. 

Ringall,  Thomas,  67. 

Ripple    Court,  Manor   of,  acquired    by 

John  Gookin,  II;  history  of,  11. 
Roe,  John,  62. 

Rowlandson,  Rev.  Joseph,  154. 
Russell,  Rev.  Noadiah,  179. 
Russell,  Richard,  122,  178,  191. 

Sanders,  John,  7. 

Saunders,  Tobias,  III. 

Savage,  Habijah,  181. 

Savage,  Hannah,  wife  of  General  Gookin, 
181,  186,  187, 189,  190. 

Savage,  Hannah,  wife  of  Rev.  Nathaniel 
Gookin,  181,  188. 

Savage,  Mary,  181,  189. 

Savage,  Thomas,  189. 

Savage,  Major  Thomas,  142,  153,  156. 

Scott,  John,  62. 

Scott,  Richard,  153. 

Searle,  Daniel,  181. 

Sears,  Mary,  181. 

Sewall,  Chief  Justice  Samuel,  extracts 
from  diary,  178  ;  goes  to  see  General 
Gookin  upon  his  death  bed,  184  ;  pall- 
bearer at  funeral  of  Mrs.  Hannah 
Gookin,  190 ;  his  dream  of  General 
Gookin,  198. 

Shepperd,  William,  67. 

Sherwood,  Peter,  47. 

Sill,  Capt.  Joseph,  157. 

Sladen,  John  Baker,  11. 

Sladen,  Col.  Joseph,  n. 

Shepard,  Rev.  Thomas,  74,  80,  81. 

Smith,  Capt.  178. 

Smith,  John,  41,42,  43. 

Smith,  Robert,  47,  62. 

Smith,  William,  47,  62. 

Southworth,  Mr.,  138,  139. 

Speen,  James,  135,  136. 

Sprague,  Capt.,  147. 

Spry,  Oliver,  65. 

Stafford,  Capt.  Benedict,  64. 

Stearns,  Samuel,  180. 

Stearns,  Hannah,  180. 

Stedman,  John,  79. 

St.  Leger,  Sir  Warham,  31. 

St.  Leger,  Sir  Warham,  3d,  32,  45. 

Stockdale,  Mr.,  51,  52. 

Stoughton,  William,  122,  155, 172,  183. 

Streets,  William,  48. 


INDEX 


207 


Swift,  Jane,  9. 
Swinforde,  Clement,  12. 
Swinforde,  William,  6. 
Syme,  Alice,  6. 
Syme,  Robert,  6. 
Symonds,  Samuel,  122. 

Taylor,  James,  191. 

Thomas,  John,  62. 

Thompson,  Robert,  190. 

Thorowgood,  Capt.  Adam,  57. 

Thurlby,  John,  48. 

Thurloe,  John,  Daniel  Gookin's  letters 

to,  93,  94,  95.  98;  ioo,  102. 
Thurston,  Jane,  wife  of  Thomas  Gookin 

of   Ripple   Court,  15  ;    litigation  with 

brothers-in-law,  15,  49. 
Thurston,  Richard,  15. 
Toketon,  Elphege  de,  9. 
Toketon,  Sir  William  de,  9. 
Tompson,  Rev.  William,  68,  69. 
Torey,  Joseph,  112. 
Tufton,  Agnes,  7,  9. 
Tufton,  Nicholas,  7. 
Tufton  pedigree,  9. 
Turner,  John,  51. 
Tyng,  Edward,  122,  148,  181. 

Usher,  Christopher,  193. 
Usher,  Hezekiah,  104,  150,  188. 

Vaughan,  Christ.,  67. 

Virginia  Company,  contract  with  Daniel 
Gookin,  38,  59;  the  Council  recom- 
mends him  to  colonial  authorities,  40 ; 
rejoicing  caused  by  Daniel's  arrival  in 
Virginia,  41 ;  revocation  of  the  char- 
ter, 49. 

Vowell,  Amy,  25,  26. 

Vowell,  arms  of,  25. 

Vowell,  Richard,  25. 

Vowell,  William  of  Creake  Abbey,  26. 


Vowell,  William  of  Wells,  Somerset,  25. 

Wade,  Capt.  Jonathan,  195,  196. 

Wadsworth,  William,  47,  62. 

Walker,  Roger,  47,  62. 

Ward,  Nathaniel,  74. 

Warren,  Thomas,  67. 

Warrow,  Jacob,  67,  75,  196. 

Warrow,  Maria,  196. 

Warrow,  Silvanus,  195,  196. 

Wayte,  Jo.,  125. 

Webb,  William,  67. 

West,  Governor,  178. 

West,  Capt.  John,  65. 

Whalley,  General,  106,  107,  no. 

Wharton,  Mr.,  178. 

Whitfild,  Gilbert,  47,  62. 

Wilcox,  Roger,  67. 

Wildly,  William,  67. 

Willard,  Mrs.,  191. 

Willard,  Rev.  Samuel,  181. 

Willard,  Simon,  in,  144,  150. 

Williams,  Roger,  74. 

Wilson,  Rev.  William,  17. 

Wing,  John,  169. 

Winthrop,  Capt.,  178. 

Winthrop,  Dean,  113. 

Winthrop,  John,  68,  74,  75. 

Wiseman,  William,  51. 

Wood,  Thomas,  38. 

Worcester,  settlement  projected,  166 ; 
Daniel  Gookin  and  others  view  site, 
167;  settlement  interrupted  by  Philip's 
war,  167;  new  settlement  begun,  168; 
name  bestowed,  168;  conjectured  rea- 
sons for  the  name,  168-169. 

Wormley,  Capt.  Christ.,  65. 

Woodhall,  William,  17. 

Wyatt,  Gov.,  43,  46. 

Yardley,  Col.  Francis,  58. 
Yardley,  Sir  George,  58. 


AN  i  7l913K8eo 


DANIEL  GOOKIN 

1612-1687 

ASSISTANT  AND    MAJOR    GENERAL 
OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY  COLONY 

HIS  LIFE  AND  LETTERS 

AND  SOME  ACCOUNT  OF 

HIS  ANCESTRY 


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BY 


FREDERICK  WILLIAM  GOOKIN 


CHICAGO 

PRIVATELY  PRINTED 

1912 


HE  extent  and  importance  of  Daniel  Gookin's 
public  service,  and  the  large  part  he  played  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  colony,  make  his 
life  a  subject  of  interest  to  all  students  of  Amer- 
ican history.  This  biography,  the  first  attempt 
to  tell  the  story  with  any  approach  to  fullness,  is 
the  result  of  researches  covering  a  period  of 
more  than  thirty-five  years.  It  was  the  author's  intention  to 
incorporate  it  in  a  history  of  the  Gookin  family,  comprising  a 
series  of  connected  biographies,  but  the  publication  of  such 
an  extensive  work  proved  impracticable  except  upon  the  plan 
of  dividing  it  into  several  units,  and  it  seemed  a  mistake  to 
merge  a  biography  of  general  interest  into  a  book  appealing 
chiefly  to  members  of  the  family. 

In  preparing  this  work  for  separate  publication  it  has  been 
thought  desirable  to  incorporate  with  the  life  of  Major  Gen- 
eral Gookin  some  account  of  his  ancestry.  This  includes  the 
story — here  told  for  the  first  time — of  the  life  of  his  father, 
Daniel  Gookin  of  Ripple  Court,  Kent,  England,  and  of  Car- 
rigaline,  Ireland,  and  early  planter  in  Virginia;  also  short  biog- 
raphies of  General  Gookin's  grandfather,  Dr.  Richard  Byrd, 
Canon  of  Canterbury  Cathedral,  and  of  his  great-grandfather, 
Dr.  John  Meye,  Bishop  of  Carlisle.  A  chapter  is  devoted 
to  various  other  ancestors,  including  early  members  of  the 
Gookin  family,  concerning  whom  much  new  information  is 
presented.  Seventeen  chapters  are  given  to  the  life  and  let- 
ters of  Daniel  Gookin,  and  the  book  as  a  whole  is  offered  as 
a  tribute  by  a  descendant  to  the  memory  of  the  "grand  old 


American  patriarch  and  sage,"  as  Moses  Coit  Tyler  calls  him, 
on  the  ter-centenary  of  his  birth. 

The  book  makes  an  8vo  volume  of  223  pages.  It  is  illus- 
trated by  views  of  places,  armorial  bearings,  and  reproductions 
of  interesting  documents.  Also  the  arms  of  General  Gookin's 
ancestors  have  been  incorporated  in  a  series  of  decorative  head- 
bands, engraved  from  designs  by  the  author,  one  for  each  of  the 
twenty-two  chapters.  There  is  a  descriptive  table  of  contents 
and  a  full  index. 

Two  hundred  and  two  numbered  copies,  and  two  required 
for  copyright,  have  been  printed  from  type  on  Van  Gelder 
Zonen  hand-made  paper,  and  bound  in  gray  Fabriano  boards. 
This  circular  is  printed  upon  the  paper  and  from  the  type 
used  for  the  book. 

A  part  of  the  edition  has  been  subscribed  for  before  pub- 
lication. The  remaining  copies  are  offered  for  sale.  The 
price  is  $7.25  net,  which  represents  only  the  cost  of  publica- 
tion and  postage.  The  book  is  now  ready  for  delivery. 
Orders,  accompanied  by  remittance,  should  be  sent  to 

Frederick  W.  Gookin, 

13  West  Walton  Place, 

Chicago,  Illinois. 
December,  1912. 


i»4 


JAN  1  9  1937